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JLU~~ PINNOCK'S 
IMPROVED EDITION OF 

DR. GOLDSMITH'S 

HISTORY OF GREECE, 

FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS. 



REVISED. CORRECTED, AND VERY CONSIDERABLY ENLARGED; BY 

THE ADDITION OF SEVERAL NEW CHAPTERS AND 

NUMEROUS USEFUL NOTES. 

TOGETHER WITH 

QUESTIONS FOR EXAMINATION 

AT THE END OF EACH SECTION. 




ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS. 



BY WM. C. TAYLOR, LL. D., 

OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN. 
AUTHOR OF MANUAL OF ANCIENT AND MODERN HISTORY, ETC ETC. 



THIRTY-FIFTH AMERICAN, FROM THE NINETEENTH ENGLISH EDITION' 

PHILADELPHIA : 
THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT & CO. 

1848. 






Entered, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by 

THOMAS, COWPERTHWAIT & CO. 

in the clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern 
District of Pennsylvania. 



PRINTED BY SMITH & PETERS, 

Franklin Buildings, Sixth Street below Arch, Philadelphia. 






PREFACE. 



The alterations that have been made in this new edi- 
tion of the Grecian history are so numerous and exten- 
sive, as almost to make it a new work. The original 
history of Dr. Goldsmith contains many anecdotes of 
questionable authority, and very doubtful interest, de- 
rived from Plutarch and Curtius; while such important 
matters as the Dorian migration, and the sedition of 
Cylon,are wholly omitted. The compiler of the abridg- 
ment, following the same track, hurried over some of the 
most important periods with brief and scanty notice, 
while he assigned very disproportionate length to a few 
isolated incidents. The present editor has endeavoured 
to remedy both evils, by abridging whatever appeared 
too diffuse, expanding those parts which were so brief 
as to be scarcely intelligible, and supplying the nume- 
rous omissions of the original work. The authorities 
to which he has principally had recourse, are the his- 
tories of Gillies and Mitford in the earlier part of the 
work, and Leland and Gast for the period subsequent 
to the third Peloponnesian war. A brief sketch of 
modern Grecian history is subjoined, in order that the 
student may have an opportunity of comparing the pre- 
sent prospects with the former fame of Greece. 

The introductory chapters are for the most part an 
abridgment of Professor Heeren's valuable work on 
the political history of Greece : they contain a view of 
the principal causes that operated in forming the na- 
tional character of that people, whose history the student 



is about to peruse, and a sketch of those circumstances 
of situation, climate, religion, and government, which 
influenced, in no small degree, the various fortunes of 
the different states. 

The concluding chapters contain some account of 
Grecian literature and philosophy, designed to stimu- 
late, rather than gratify curiosity: and to excite in the 
youthful student a desire for more intimate acquaint- 
ance with those works which, after the lapse of so 
many centuries, still continue the noblest monuments 
of human genius. 

A brief sketch of the history of the minor states and 
of the islands is subjoined to the Appendix, and refer- 
ences are given to the share they had in any of the 
transactions recorded in the body of the work. 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION. 

CHAPTER I. 
Natural and political geography of Greece 13 

CHAPTER II. 

The principal Grecian cities. — Athens, Thebes, Delphi, Sparta, 
Corinth 23 

CHAPTER III. 

The religion of Greece, and its effects on the national character. . . 33 

CHAPTER IV. 

The influence of the mysteries and oracles on the Grecian character 38 

CHAPTER V. 
The public games and festivals 44 

CHAPTER VI. 
The general constitution of the Grecian states 48 

CHAPTER VII. 
The mode of raising and supporting the army and navy 53 

HISTORY. 

CHAPTER I. 

From the fabulous and heroic ages, to the abolition of royalty in the 

several states r >° 

5 



6 CONTENTS. 

rags 
CHAPTER II. 

Of the government of Sparta, and the laws of Lycurgus. 

section r. 

The legislation of Lycurgus 71 

SECTION II. 

The laws of Lycurgus that more particularly influenced the Spartan 
character, and the first Messenian war 79 

SECTION III. 

The second Messenian war 83 

CHAPTER III. 

Of the government of Athens, the laws of Solon, and the history of 
the republic from the time of Solon to the commencement of the 
first Persian war. 

SECTION I. 

Dissensions at Athens — legislation of Solon 89 

SECTION II. 

The sacred war against the Crisseans and Cirrheans — the usurpa- 
tion of the Peisistratidae 96 

CHAPTER IV. 
From the expulsion of Hippias to the death of Miltiades. 

SECTION I. 

The preparations made by Darius for the invasion of Greece 104 

SECTION II. 

First Persian invasion 109 

CHAPTER V. 
From the death of Miltiades to the retreat of Xerxes out of Greece. 

SECTION I. 

The extensive preparations of Xerxes for the invasion of Greece, 
and the measures taken by the Greeks to secure their independ- 
ence 115 

SECTION II. 

Second Persian invasion ; battles of Thermopylae, Artemisium and 
Salamis 121 



CHAPTER VI. 

Page 

From the retreat of Xerxes out of Greece to the battle of Mycale. . 131 

CHAPTER VII. 

From the battle of Mycale to the peace concluded between the 
Greeks and Persians. 

SECTION I. 

The rebuilding of Athens — The conspiracy of Pausanias, and banish- 
ment of Themistocles 137 

SECTION II. 

The conclusion of the second Persian war 142 

CHAPTER VIII. 
From the peace with Persia to the peace of Nicias. 

SECTION I. 

The causes that led to the war between Athens and Sparta — The 
Corcyrean war 147 

SECTION II. 

First Peloponnesian war — The great plague — The siege and 
destruction of Plataea 154 

SECTION III. 

First Peloponnesian war continued — The narrow escape of the 
Lesbians — The civil wars of Corcyra — The affair at Pylos — 
Death of Cleon and Brasidas — Peace of Nicias 159 

CHAPTER IX. 
From the peace of Nicias to the end of the Peloponnesian war. 

SECTION I. 

The causes that led to a renewal of the war between Athens and 
Sparta 165- 

SECTION II. 

The Athenian expedition to Sicily 170 

SECTION III. 

The siege of Syracuse 175 



SECTION IV. 

Page 

The destruction of the Athenian expedition 179 

section v. 
The surrender of the Athenian army 184 

SECTION VI. 

The second Peloponnesian war continued — The tyranny of the four 
hundred — The return of Alcibiades to Athens 186 

SECTION VII. 

The victories of Lysander — The battle of Arginusae — The judicial 
murder of the Athenian admirals 194 

SECTION VIII. 

The battle of ^Egos-Potamos — Athens taken by Lysander, and the 
Peloponesian war concluded 199 

CHAPTER X. 

From the demolition of the Athenian power to the peace of Antal- 
cidas. 

SECTION I. 

The reign of the thirty tyrants at Athens — The restoration of liberty 
by Thrasibulus 204 

SECTION II. 

The death of Socrates — The retreat of the ten thousand 209 

SECTION III. 

The victories of Agesilaus — The peace of Antalcidas 214 

CHAPTER XI. 
The third Peloponnesian war. 

SECTION I. 

Rise of the Theban power under Pelopidas and Epaminondas 219 

SECTION II. 

The bal tie of Leuctra— The death of Jason 225 



CONTENTS. 9 

SECTION III. 

Pago 

The invasion of the Peloponnesus by the Thebans 231 

SECTION IT. 

The battle of Mantineia — The death of Epaminondas, and conclu- 
sion of the third Peloponnesian war 236 



CHAPTER XII. 
The life of Philip king of Macedon. 

SECTION I. 

The early history of Macedon ; the circumstances under which 
Philip obtained the crown — Greece distracted by the Phocian or 
second sacred war 241 

SECTION II. 

The Athenians become jealous of Philip — The character of Demos- 
henes — The termination of the second sacred war 247 

SECTION III. 

The successful career of Philip — The capture of Elateia 254 

SECTION IT. 

The battle of Chseroneia— The death of Philip 259 

CHAPTER, XIII. 
From the birth of Alexander to his departure for Asia 861 

CHAPTER XIV. 
From Alexander's invasion of Asia to his death. 

SECTION I. 

Conquest of Western Asia 273 

SECTION IT. 

Conquest of Tyre, Egypt, and Central Asia 280 



10 CONTENTS. 

SECTION III. 

Death of Darius — Overthrow of the Persian empire £86 

SECTION IT. 

Invasion of India . 290 

section v. 
Return from India — Death of Alexander 297 

CHAPTER XV. 
The successors of Alexander 302 



CHAPTER XVI. 

The Achaean league — The first interference of the Romans in the 
affairs of Greece 309 



CHAPTER XVII. 
The wars between the Romans and Macedonians 315 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
Subjugation of Greece by the Romans 323 

CHAPTER XIX. 
The modern history of Greece 328 

CHAPTER XX. 
On the literature of the Greeks. 

section i. 
The epic and lyric poets 33d 

section II. 
Tne dramatic poets 343 

SECTION III. 

The Greek historians and orators 347 

SECTION IV 

Science and the fiue arts 354 



CONTENTS. 1 1 

SECTION" V. 

Pago 

Grecian philosophy 359 

APPENDIX. 

SECTION I. 

Historical notices of the Minor Grecian states 367 

SECTION II. 

Historical notices of the Grecian Islands 371 



HISTOEY OF GREECE. 



INTRODUCTION. 



CHAPTER I. 

NATURAL AND POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF GREECE. 

And yet how lovely in thine a?e of woe. 

Land of lost gods and godlike men, art thou ! — Byron. 

\. A glance at the map of the world, as known to the 
ancients, will be sufficient to convince us, that no country 
derived more advantages from its natural position, than that 
which we, in imitation of the Romans, denominate Greece. 
It was in the centre of the most cultivated portions of the 
three continents ; a short passage by sea divided it from 
Italy ; and the voyage to Egypt, Asia Mi'nor, and Phoeni'cia, 
though somewhat longer, seemed scarcely more dangerous. 
Its extensive coasts, indented with bays, landing-places, and 
natural harbours, compensated for the absence of large rivers, 
and pointed it out in the earliest ages as the country best 
situated for commerce ; and though Phoeni'cia was the pa- 
rent of navigation, that art is indebted to Greece for its most 
material improvements. 2. The nature of the country af- 
forded the inhabitants other advantages equally striking ; 
watered in every direction by an infinite number of small 
streams, intersected by ranges of lofty hills alternating with 
fertile plains, and enjoying a warmer climate than any other 
part of Europe, the Greeks were enabled to pay equal atten- 
tion to the different branches of cultivation, and to pursue a 
diversity of occupations. 3. Its extent from north to south, 
viz. : from the promontory of Tas'narum to the Cambunian 
mountains,* is about two hundred and twenty-five miles : 
from its eastern extremity the promontory of Su'nium in 

* Macedonia was not reckoned a part of Greece, until a very late 
period ; it is therefore omitted here, but its geography and history will 
be found in the first section of the twelfth chapter. 

B 13 



14 INTRODUCTION'. 

Attica, to the Leucadian cape, its most western headland, 
the distance is about one hundred and sixty miles. Its 
superficial content was about 29, GOO square miles, not 
quite two-thirds of the extent of the modern kingdom of 
Portugal. 

4. Nature still further subdivided the country into three 
nearly equal portions, by separating the Peloponne'sus from 
the mainland, and intersecting the latter by the chain of 
Mount (Eta, which runs nearly parallel to the northern 
boundary. The countries in northern Greece were Thes- 
saly on the east, and Epi'rus on the west. 

5. Thessaly was the portion of Greece most favoured by 
nature. It was on three sides surrounded by mountains ; 
the continued chain of (Eta, O'thrys, and Pin'dus bounded 
it on the south and west, the Cambu'nian mountains limited 
it on the north ; and on the east, the peaks of Ossa and 
Olym'pus rose above them along the coast of the JEge'an. 
sea. It was watered by the magnificent river Pe'neus, 
which, rising in mount Pindus, flowed through it from west 
to east; and by a number of tributary streams which joined 
this river from the north and south. 6. The traditions of 
the ancients related, that the Pe'neus had stagnated for seve- 
ral centuries, until* an earthquake divided Ossa from Olym'- 
pus, and opened for it a passage to the iEge'an sea through 
the delicious vale of Tem'pe. Thus the soil of Thessaly 
had been long subjected to a fertilizing process, and rose 
from the floods ready to reward the cultivator by the most 
luxuriant harvests. 7. It was divided into five provinces ; 

1 Estiae'otis, whose chief cities were Gom'phi and Aro'zus : 

2 Pelasgio'tis, in which the most remarkable places were 
Laris'sa, Gon'ni, and the vale of Tempe : 3 Thessalia'tis, 
which contained the city of Phar'salus, and the memorable 
plains of Pharsa'lia : 4 Phthio'tis, the country of Achilles, 
containing several towns, of which Phe'ra; was the most 
important: and 5 Magne'sia, a district on the sea-coast, with 
a capital of the same name. There were several smaller dis- 
tricts named from the tribes by which they were inhabited, 
such as Perrhce'bia, &c. On the north side of the Pe'neus, 
the pure Hellenic race was not to be found ; the tribes who 
resided there were of Il'lyrian descent, of whom some con- 
sidered themselves as belonging to the Thessalian and others 
to the Macedonian nation. 

* The poets say, that this was done hy Hercules. 



GEOGRAPHY OF CREECE. 15 

8. Thessaly presented many facilities for internal navi- 
gation, but none of them were improved by art; in the 
heroic ages it produced the best soldiers in Greece ; but the 
fertility of the soil proved their ruin. They rioted in sen- 
sual enjoyments, and were proverbial for their intense selfish- 
ness. " Though Olympus, the habitation of the gods, stood 
on their land, nothing godlike was ever unfolded within its 
precincts."* Their cities, alternately th« prey of anarchy 
and tyranny, never produced men conspicuous for their love 
of freedom ; and though the country was populous and stud- 
ded with excellent military positions, it submitted without a 
struggle, first to the yoke of Xerxes, and subsequently to 
that of Philip. 

9. Epi'rus was next to Thessaly the largest, but it was 
the least cultivated division of Greece. Its inhabitants were 
of the Illyrian rather than Hellen'ic race, but the royal family 
claimed to be descended from Achil'les. Its principal divi- 
sions were, 1 Molos'sis, of which the chief city was Am- 
bra'cio, on the gulf to which it gave name, and 2 Thespro'tia, 
whose capital was Buthro'tum. In the interior of Epi'rus, 
was Dodo'na, celebrated for the oracle of Jupiter, the com- 
mon object of veneration to all the Hellenic tribes. 

10. Central Greece, or Hel'las, had the chain of Mount 
(Eta on the north ; the Mali'ac bay, and the Euri'pus on the 
east; the Saron'ic and Corinthian gulfs on the south; and 
the I'onian sea on the west. It contained nine districts. 

11. "I. At'tica, a foreland extending towards the south- 
east and gradually diminishing. Its length was about sixty- 
three miles, and its greatest breadth in a north-westerly 
direction about twenty-five miles, but it tapers more and 
more to a point, till it ends in the rocky promontory of 
Su'nium.t The country is naturally barren, indeed it never 
produced corn sufficient for the support of its inhabitants; 
but the climate was salubrious ; the Ilis'sus, Cephis'sus, and 
other small streams afforded a plentiful supply of the purest 
water ; and the plains were particularly adapted to the cul- 
ture of the olive. Its chief, indeed its only, city was Athens ;% 
the other towns, such as Mar'athon, Eleu'sis, Dece'lia, &c. 
were little better than villages. The country was very 

* Heeren, 

j- On the summit of this rock was a temple of Minerva. Some co- 
lumns still remain, from which Sunium is now called Cape Colonna. 
It is the scene of Falconer's beautiful poem, the Shipwreck. 

£ See next chapter. 



16 INTRODUCTION. 

mountainous, but the mountains were not of excessive 
height; the most remarkable were, Hyme'ttus, Pentel'icus, 
and Lau'rium.* 

12. II. Meg'aris, the smallest of the Grecian countries, 
lay between Attica, of which it once formed a part, and the 
Corinthian isthmus. It contained the city of Meg'ara and 
the celebrated sea-port Nisae'a. Megaris was wrested from 
the Ionic inhabitants of Attica by a Dorict colony. 

13. III. Bceo'tia lay to the northwest of Attica, and ex- 
hibited in almost every respect a different character. It may 
be generally described as a large plain shut in by the chain 
of Parnas'sus, Hel'icon, and Cithoe'ron on the west and 
south. Mount Cne'mis joined it on the north, and Pto'us 
lay between that and the sea. Numerous rivers, of which 
the Cephis'susJ was the chief, descended from these moun- 
tains, and stagnating in the plains, produced several marshes 
and lakes ; among which, Copa'is, celebrated for its deli- 
cious eels, is the largest and most remarkable. The soil of 
Bceo'tia was among the most fruitful in Greece, and the 
country was the most thickly inhabited. Besides Thebes, § 
the capital, it contained Platae'ae, Tanag'ra, Thes'piae, Chae- 
ronei'a, Lebadei'a, Leuc'tra, and Orchom'enus, — names 
which we shall frequently meet in the ensuing history ; for 
the fate of Greece was often decided in Bceotia. 

14. IV. Pho'cis, a district of moderate size and irregular 
shape, extending from mount CEta to the bay of Corinth. 
It contained the mountain-passes that were considered the 
key both to Boao'tia and At'tica. The most important was 
that near Elatei'a ; and hence arose|| the terror of the Athe- 
nians when they learned that Philip had seized on that city. 
Besides Elatei'a, the capital, Phocis contained the town and 
celebrated oracle of Delphi,^ and the city of Cris'sa with its 
excellent harbour, Cir'rha. The most remarkable moun- 
tain was Parnas'sus. 

15. V. Lo'cris ; this district was divided into two por- 
tions by Pho'cis and mount Parnas'sus ; the eastern part 
was inhabited by two tribes, the Epicnemid'ii and Opunt'ii, 
deriving their names from mount Cne'mis and the city of 
O'pus. It lies along the Euri'pus, or narrow strait that 
separates Eubae'a from Bceo'tia, and contains but one place 

* See next chapter. f See History, chap. I. 

* This must not be confounded with the Cephissus in Attica. 
§ See the next chapter. || See History. 

U See next chapter. 



GEOGRAPHY OF GREECE. 17 

of importance — the memorable straits of Thermop'ylae. 
16. This pass was considered as the only road by which 
an army could march from Thessaly to Hellas ; for nothing 
more than a footpath ran across the mountains : conse- 
quently, at the time of the Persian invasion, and indeed at 
a much later period, it was looked upon as the gate of 
Greece. The following description of the place, copied 
from Herod'otus, will enable the reader to conceive how it 
was, that with such an inferior force, Leon'idas was able to 
resist the countless myriads of Persia. " At Thermop'ylae, 
a steep and inaccessible mountain rises on the west side, in 
the direction of OEta; but on the east side are the sea and 
marshes. There are warm* fountains in the pass, and an 
altar to Hercules stands near them. On going from Tra- 
chest to Hellas, the road is but half a pleth'rum (fifty feet) 
wide, yet the narrowest part is not there, but just in front 
and at the back of Thermop'ylae, where there is but room 
for one carriage." 

17. VI. The western part of Lo'cris was inhabited by a 
tribe called Oz'olas: it extended along the northern coasts 
of the Corinthian bay, and contained two considerable cities 
— Amphis'sa in the interior, and Naupac'tus, now called 
Lepanto. 

18. VII. The small and mountainous district of Doris at 
the foot of mount (Eta. This country is only remarkable 
for having been the residence of the Heracli'dae during 
their exile, and for having been the native country of those 
Doric tribes who produced such great revolutions in south- 
ern Greece. 

19. VIII. and IX. iEto'lia and Acarna'nia ; these two 
provinces, though of considerable size, and as much favoured 
by nature as any of those we have mentioned, took no pro- 
minent part in the affairs of Greece, until the time when the 
country was about to fall under the dominion of the Ro- 
mans. The iEto'lians then made a fierce but unsuccessful 
struggle for independence, and were treated with barbarous 
cruelty by the conquerors. In the heroic ages, both these 
districts produced several heroes : both were peopled by 
Helle'nic tribes, and yet they remained sunk in barbarism 
after Athens had reached the summit of civilization. The 
river Achelo'us divided these districts. The principal town 

* Hence the place received its name from Tliermai, hot springs, and 
Pylai, gates. 

t A town of Phthiotis in Thessaly. 

13 2 



18 INTRODUCTION. 

of iEto'lia was Cal'ydon, on the Eve'nus ; and of Acarna'- 
nia, Stra'tus. 

20. The peninsula which contains southern Greece was 
anciently called the A'pian Land ;* but when Pe'lops had 
established his authority in that part of the country, in 
honour of him it was named the Peloponne'sus. In modern 
times it is called the Mo'rea, from its resemblance in shape 
to the leaf of a mulberry. In the centre of the peninsula is 
a lofty range of hills, branching out in several directions ; 
between these are rich and fertile plains, watered by the 
mountain streams ; but there is not any river of considerable 
magnitude. It contained eight countries. 

21. I. Arca'dia, a mountainous inland district, nowhere 
bordering on the sea-coast. The general appearance of the 
country is very similar to that of Switzerland, and this re- 
semblance extended to the character of the inhabitants ; both 
were distinguished by the love of freedom and the love of 
money. The Arca'dian mercenaries were just as ready to 
fight for pay as the Swiss of the seventeenth century, and 
were equally indifferent to the justice of the cause for 
which they drew their swords. The inhabitants led a pas- 
toral life, and the poets always described the Arca'dians as 
models of rural felicity. 22. The principal mountains in 
Arca'dia were Cylle'ne, Eryman'thus, Moe'nalus, Lycae'us, 
&c. From these descended the streams which watered the 
Peloponne'sus, two of which only merit the name of rivers, 
the Pe'neus and the Euro'tas. Stym'phalus, the only lake 
in southern Greece, was in Arca'dia : it was the scene of 
one of the labours of Her'cules. The principal cities of 
Arca'dia were Mantinei'a, Tegei'a, Orcho'menus, Pso'phis, 
and Megalo'polis, which in a later age became the capital 
of the country. 

23. II. Laco'nia ; this district, which may well be termed 
the land of heroes, extended to the south of Arca'dia, about 
sixty-six miles in length, by thirty-six in breadth. Though 
rugged and mountainous, it was very thickly inhabited, so 
that it is said to have contained nearly one hundred towns 
and villages. It was watered by the Euro'tas, a river cele- 
brated throughout Greece for the clearness and purity of its 
streams. The chief towns were Sparta,t the capital, Amy'- 
clae, celebrated for the oracle of Apollo, and Gyth'ium, which 
was the harbour for the Spartan fleet, when the state, mis- 

* See His chap. I. f Sec next chapter. 



GEOGRAJPIIY OF GREECE. 19 

taking its true policy, endeavoured to become a naval power. 
Laco'nia terminated in two headlands, between which lay 
the Laconian bay, called now the Gulf of Colokythia ; the 
cape at the eastern extremity was named Male'a, now 
St. Angelo, that on the west was called Taena'rium, now 
Matapan. 

24. III. Messe'nia; the chain of Mount Tayge'tus di- 
vides this fertile province from Laconia. The rich plains 
of Messe'nia early attracted the cupidity of the Spartans, 
who at length made themselves masters of the country, and 
by having thus doubled their territories, became the first of 
the Grecian states.* The chief towns were Messe'ne, Me- 
tho'ne, and Py'lus,t the modern Navarino. The other 
most remarkable places were the mountain fortresses of 
Ithome and Eira. 

25. IV. Ar'golis ; this country, so celebrated in the 
heroic ages, consists of a neck of land stretching out into 
the sea about fifty-four miles, until it terminates in the 
promontory of Scyllceum ; between it and Attica was the 
Saronic gulf, (now Gulf of Engia,) and on the other side 
lay the Argolic bay, (now Gulf of Napoli.) Its principal 
cities were Argos, once the chief in Greece, Mycae'ne, the 
residence of Agamem'non, Epidau'rus, and Trceze'ne. 
The other remarkable places were Ti'ryns, Neme'a, and 
Cynu'ria, the scene of several exploits of Her'cules. The 
Argives, though possessed of an extensive and well-situated 
country, lost their pre-eminence after the Trojan war, and 
did not again take a lead in the affairs of Greece. 

26. V. E'lis, on the western side of the Peloponnesus. 
This district may be called the holy land of Greece, since 
it was the spot where the different branches of the Hellenic 
race met together as one people, and forgot petty animo- 
sities in their common worship of the Olympic Jupiter. 
No wars were allowed to violate this sacred soil: armies 
indeed were permitted to pass through, but they were first 
deprived of their weapons, which were not restored until 
they had again crossed the boundaries. It was subdivided 
into three districts, Elis, deriving its name from the capital 
city which stood on the banks of the Pe'neus; Pisa'tis, 



* See History, chap. II. 

f This harbour and the neighbouring island of iSpnactena have been 
the scene of great exploits, both in the ancient and modern wars of 
Greece. 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

called after the ancient city of Pisa ; and Tri'phylia, a 
woody country extending to Messe'nia. 

27. Of these the most remarkable was Pisa'tis, as it 
contained Olym'pia, a district round the city of Pi'sa, where 
every five years the Olym'pic games were celebrated. The 
Ele'ans, after having vanquished the Pi'sans, presided at 
these games ; and thus acquired a considerable influence in 
Greece. On the banks of the Al'phis stood the sacred 
grove called Al'tis, a sanctuary of the arts, such as the 
world has never since beheld. Its centre was occupied by 
the temple of Olympian Jove, and was in fact the national 
temple of Greece ; in it was the celebrated colossal statue 
of Jupiter, probably the most splendid piece of sculpture 
that ever existed. Besides this temple there were within the 
enclosure two chapels sacred to Ju'no and Luci'na, the 
theatre, the sta'dium, where feats of strength were exhi- 
bited, and the race-ground. The entire grove was filled 
with statues, the works of the most eminent artists, and the 
different Greek states vied with each other in sending rich 
presents to adorn this spot, which they looked on as the 
common pride and property of their nation. 

28. VI. Achai'a, on the southern shores of the Corinthian 
bay, in the north-west of the Peloponnesus.* The inha- 
bitants of this district had been expelled by the Do'rians 
from their original settlements in the south of the Pelopon- 
nesus, and had in their turn driven out the Io'nians from 
this province, to which they gave their own name. They 
did not take a prominent part in the affairs of Greece until 
after the death of Alexander ; but then the Achae'an league, 
as the alliance by which their twelve cities were united was 
called, became for a time the sole defence of Grecian 
liberty. But though Achai'a did not become illustrious by 
giving birth to great generals, statesmen, or poets, it always 
possessed good laws, which might well compensate for the 
deficiency. For a long time they continued to enjoy a 
happy tranquillity, undisturbed by the wars of their neigh- 
bours. Their country was in nobody's way, and excited 
no person's cupidity. Even during the three Peloponnesian 
wars, when the rest of Greece was suffering from all the 
horrors of internal discord ; the Achee'ans remained neu- 
tral. . 

29. VII. Sicyo'nia, this was a narrow slip of territory 

* See History, chap. I. 



GEOGRAPHY OF GREECE. 21 

Detween Achaia and the isthmus. Its principal town was 
Sic'yon, said to have been the most ancient in all Greece. 

30. VIII. The isthmus of Cor'inth, between the Co'rin- 
thian and Saron'ic gulfs. In point of extent this was one 
of the smallest states in Greece, but the commercial advan- 
tages of its situation were more than an equivalent for the 
deficiency of its territorial possession. Like Venice in a 
subsequent age, the city of Cor'inth* flourished most when 
its dominions were limited to the immediate precincts of the 
city. 

31. The islands of Greece maybe conveniently classified 
in three divisions ; those which lie immediately off the 
coast, those which are collected in groups, and those which 
lie separate in the open sea. On the west coast in the Io'- 
nian sea, was a chain of islands, of which the chief were 
Corcy'ra,t Leuca'dia, Itha'ca, Cephalo'nia, and Zacyn'thus. 
On the south, off the coast of Laco'nia, lay Cythe'ra. In 
the Saro'nic gulf were Sal'amis and iEgi'na; ascending fur- 
ther on the eastern side, we meet Euboe'a off the Boeotian 
coast, from which it is separated by the Euri'pus ; Halon- 
ne'sus bordering on Thessaly, and still farther north Tha'sus, 
Im'brus, Samo'thrace, and Lem'nos. 

32. The principal clusters of islands were the Cyc'lades 
and Spor'ades in the iEgean sea. 

The most remarkable separate islands were Crete, Cy- 
prus, and Rhodes, in the Mediterranean sea. 

33. This survey of Greece, considered merely in its geo- 
graphical character, enables us to deduce certain inferences 
which may throw light on the history of the nation. And 
first, it appears that Greece was naturally cut up into certain 
divisions, of which one could not easily control the other. 
Thessaly could not without difficulty retain dominion over 
the 'nations south of Mount (Eta ; still less could Hellas 
exercise supremacy over the Peloponnesus, or the Pelopon- 
nesus over Hellas. There were limits provided by nature 
for those who desired and could enjoy freedom, within 
which liberty was secured against all attacks of neighbour- 
ing states. It was easy to defend Thermopylae and the 
Corinthian isthmus. Even a foreign conqueror could effect 
little, so long as the nation refused to forge its own chains. 

34. Secondly, there never was a country of the same 
extent as Greece, in which nature had done so much for 

* See next chapter. j- See Classical Geography. 



22 INTRODUCTION. 

the different branches of industry. It was not merely an 
agricultural, pastoral, or commercial country, but it was 
all three in conjunction. This variety of pursuits in active 
life, led to the acquisition of various kinds of knowledge, 
and prevented that narrowness of thought which arises from 
attention to a single object. 

35. Finally, as we have already stated, no country afford- 
ed such facilities to navigation, while the art was as yet 
imperfect. On the way to Asia Minor and Phoe'nicia, one 
island almost touched another ; it was not difficult to reach 
Italy ; and the coasts of Egypt were not far distant from 
Crete. Thus does Greece appear, in the dispensation of 
Providence, to have been marked out as the country by 
which the blessings of civilization should be brought from 
the eastern into the western world. 



Questions for Examination 

1. What advantages resulted from the geographical position of Greece 1 

2. Were any benefits derived from the nature of the country ] 

3. What was the extent of ancient Greece 1 

4. How was the country naturally subdivided 

5. How was Thessaly bounded 7 

6. Has any tradition been preserved which accounts for its early 

fertility ! 

7. What were the divisions of Thessaly 1 

8. Did the Thessalians maintain a high national character ? 

9. How was Epirus divided 1 

10. What were the boundaries of Hellas'? 

11. Did Attica contain any remarkable places besides Athens] 

12. What was the situation of Megaris 1 

13. What were the most remarkable places in Boeotia 1 

14. Did Phocis contain any places of note 1 

15. How was Locris divided? 

1 6. In what manner has Thermopylse been described ? 

17. What was the chief city of the Locri Ozolae 1 

18. Where was Doris situated ? 

19. Is there any thing remarkable in the history of the ^Etolians] 

20. Wha^ names have been given to the southern peninsula of Greece ? 

21. To wnat modern nation were the Arcadians similar? 

22. What were the most remarkable places in Arcadia ? 

23. Did Laconia contain many places of note 1 

24. By whom were the Messenians subdued ? 

25. What were the most remarkable places in Argolis 1 

26. Why was the soil of Elis deemed sacred ? 
'Z7. How is Olympia described 1 

28. For what was Achaia remarkable 1 

29. Which was the most ancient state of Greece ? 



PRINCIPAL GRECIAN CITIES. 23 

30. What state was situated on the isthmus 1 

31. Did any remarkable islands lie immediately off the Grecian coast 1 

32. What were the other islands 1 

33. How does Greece appear to have been naturally fitted for the esta- 

blishment of independent states. 

34. Did any advantages result from the variety of soil and climate 1 

35. Why was Greece the source of civilization to the western world? 



CHAPTER II. 

PRINCIPAL GRECIAN CITIES. ATHENS, THEBES, DELPHI, SPARTA, 

CORINTH. 

Ancient of days, august Athena ! where 

Where are thy men of might ? thy grand of soul 1 

Gone, glimmering thro' the dream of things Uiat were. — Byron. 

1. Ath'ens lay in a plain, extending about four miles 
towards the south-west in the direction of the sea and the 
harbours, on the other side it was enclosed by mountains. 
The plain itself was interrupted by several rocky hills, of 
which, that named the Acrop'olis was the most remarkable. 

2. Ath'ens was founded by Ce'crops, a native of Sa'is, in 
Egypt, about 1556 years before the Christian era, and was 
named after the Egyptian goddess Neith, whom the Greeks 
called Athene', and the Romans Minerva. The first build- 
ings were erected on the hill of the Acrop'olis, which pro- 
bably had been occupied by some of the Pelas'gic* tribes 
before the arrival of Ce'crops ; thence the city gradually 
extended on every side, especially towards the sea ; until 
the long walls built by Themistocles united the city to the 
Pei'raeus, completed the enclosure of Athens in its greatest 
extent. 

3. The summit of the Acrop'olis was a level plain, eight 
hundred feet in length, and nearly four hundred in breadth ; 
it was remarkable for the magnificent prospect which it 
afforded, for haying been the ancient cradle of the nation, 
and above all, for those master-pieces of architecture which 
were erected by Pericles and other statesmen, to be the glory 
of their own age, and the admiration of posterity. The view 
to the north-west commanded the distant peaks of mount 
Cithce'ron, famous for the orgies of the Bacchana'lians, 
rising majestically over the surrounding hills ; to the north- 
east lay Pentel'icus, celebrated for its quarries of the finest 

* See History, chap. I. 



24 INTRODUCTION. 

marble; the two summits of Hyme'ttus, celebrated for its 
abundant supply of the richest honey, lay to the east : as 
the spectator turned southwards, he beheld Lau'rium, valu- 
able for its silver mines, appearing at the remote extremity 
of the Attic peninsula ; but on the south and south-west was 
a prospect which awakened all the pride of an Athenian, and 
which even a modern traveller can scarcely view without 
emotion, since in that direction were seen the three harbours 
with their shipping and dock-yards ; the Saron'ic gulf, the 
islands of Sal'amis and iEgi'na ; the outline of the Argive 
shores ; and in the remote distance, the pinnacle of the 
Corinthian citadel, the commercial rival of Athens. 

4. To facilitate the student's conception of the following 
brief description of Athens, we shall suppose him to ascend 
the Acrop'olis,* and from thence survey the different parts 
of the city. A flight of marble steps led to the Propylae'a or 
entrance to the Acrop'olis, erected by Pericles at an expense 
of nearly half a million sterling.! The wings of this splen- 
did structure were two temples : in one Minerva was wor- 
shipped as the goddess of victory ; the other was adorned 
with paintings executed by Polygno'tus.J 5. The citadel 
had nine gates : on the north it was fortified by the Pelas- 
gic wall, said to have been erected by the ancient Pelasgi ; 
on the south it was at first only defended by palings, which 
some of the Athenians mistook for the wooden walls declared 
by the oracle to be their best defence against the Persians : 
but after the victory at Myca'le, Ci'mon erected a wall called 
after his name, which completed the enclosure. 6. Within 
these bounds lay the principal public buildings of Athens — 
the Temples, the Treasury, and the Courts of Judicature. 
It would be impossible in our narrow limits to describe all 
the edifices collected on this favoured spot ; we shall there- 
fore only mention the principal. Far the most remarkable 
was the Parthen'ion,§ or temple of Minerva — the noblest 
piece of architecture that the world has ever seen — rebuilt 
by Per'icles, after its destruction by the Persians, of the 
purest Pentelic marble. It contained three statues of Mi- 
nerva; one of olive wood, so ancient, that it was said to 
nave fallen from heaven; one of marble, and one of gold 
and ivory, the work of Phid'ias, and deemed next to his 

* It was also called the tipper city. 

| 2012 talents, equal to £452,700 of sterling money. 

i See Classical Dictionary. 

§ So named from a Greek word that signifies a virgin. 



PRINCIPAL GRECIAN CITIES. 



25 




1. Acrop'oils. 

4. Odei'um. 

7. Pnyx. 
10. TcVcPe. 
13. Sta'dkim. 



2. PropykE'a. 
5. P.-ytanei'ura. 
8. Muste'um. 
ll.T^a»plumThe'ser. 



3. Thea'trum Bacchi. 
6. Areop'agus. 
9. Fo'iom. 
12 Ol/mpeci'um. 



s itue ol the Olympic Jupiter — the greatest triumph of 
sculpture. The temple commemorating the contest of two 
defies for ihe patronage of the city,* was divided into two 
chapels, i\ie one dedicated to Minerva Poli'as, or patroness 
of the city ; the other to Neptune. In these were contained 
the salt spring Erech'theis, said to have been produced from 
the earth by a blow of Neptune's trident, and the sacred 
olive planted there by Minerva. Behind the Parthen'ion 
was the public treasury, called from its situation episthod'o- 
mos, or the house in the rear. In this a thousand talent? 
were always kept to meet any sudden emergency. 

7. At the foot of the Acropolis, on the north side, was 
the Prytanei'um, a common hall, where the magistrates and 
those who had deserved well of their country, were fed at 
the public expense. On the south were the Odeum, where 
musical contests were celebrated ; and the theatre of Bae 
chus, where tragedies were acted in honour of that deity, 
and the merits of rival dramatists determined. 8. The 



* Minerva and Neptune are said to have contended for this honour; 
Jupiter was chosen as umpire ; Minerva produced an olive tree, and 
Neptune a spirited war-horse. Jupiter decided in favour of the former, 
declaring that the blessings of peace were superior to the glory of wai. 

c 



26 INTRODUCTION. 

northern quarter of Athens, named Melite', contained little 
of importance. Cerami'cus was the name given to the 
western part of the city, from the nature of its soil, which 
was potters' clay : this name was also extended to a portion 
of the country beyond the walls. The Cerami'cus contained 
the ag'ora,* or forum, which was the principal market-place 
of Athens, and sometimes the scene of the public assemblies. 
It was ornamented by several porticoes, of which the most 
remarkable was the Poecile' and the portico of the Her'mae. 
The Poecile' derived its name from the paintings with which 
it was ornamented ; in the middle was depicted the war 
between The'seus and the Am'azons ; on one side was the 
burning of Troy, and on the other the battle of Marathon. 
It was under the shade of this portico that Zeno taught his 
disciples, whence his followers were called Stoics, from a 
Greek word (stoa') signifying a porch. The portico and 
street of the Her'mae were so named from several statues of 
Her'mes or Mer'cury, with which they were ornamented. 
Only the bust of the figure was formed ; the lower part was 
a square pillar, on which moral sentences were written for 
the instruction of the people. 

9. At the extremity of the Cerami'cus, near the Acrop'o- 
lis, stood the temple of The'seus, the most beautiful struc- 
ture in the lower city. It had the privilege of being a sanc- 
tuary for slaves, and all men of the lower ranks, who dreaded 
the persecution of the powerful ; — a noble compliment to 
the memory of The'seus, who had ever been the protector 
of the distressed. 

10. A small valley, Coe'le, lay between the Acropolis and 
the hills named the Pnyx and the Areop'agus. The latter, 
which derives its name from being consecrated to Mars, was 
principally remarkable for the celebrated court that met on 
it« summit.! The Pnyx was the place in which the most 
important assemblies of the people were held : on the top 
was erected a be'ma, or pulpit, from which the orators 
spoke ; and its position, strangely enough, varied with the 
political constitution of the state. While agriculture was 
the principal employment of the inhabitants of Attica, the 
government remained aristocratic ; but when commerce had 
increased the wealth and intelligence of the people, the con- 
stitution was changed into an almost complete democracy. 

* There were several smaller agorai, but this was the most im- 
portant. 

j- See History, chap. III. 



PRINCIPAL CITIES OF GREECE. 27 

During this period, the be'ma was placed fronting the sea, 
intimating that its contemplation should stimulate the ora- 
tor to protect commerce, as the source both of the wealth 
and political happiness of the state. But when Lysan'der 
had overthrown the Athenian power, and subverted the 
Athenian constitution,* the be'ma was made to face the 
country, under the pretence that agriculture was the object 
pointed out by Minerva as the proper object of the attention 
of the Athenians. A strange illustration of the early belief 
in an aphorism which has since been frequently exemplified, 
that a commercial country must always be more or less 
democratic. 

11. South of the Pnyx was a hill named Musae'um, where 
a fortress was erected by the Macedonians, when they occu- 
pied the city. 

12. There were three harbours belonging to Athens — 
Munych'ia, Peirae'us, and Pharerum. The first of these 
was the most ancient, and was very soon deserted ; the 
other two were celebrated for affording safe anchorage, and 
a shelter secure against every storm. The Peirae'us was 
the most important haven ; it in fact was a city by itself, 
with its own squares, temples, and agorai, frequented by a 
commercial crowd nearly as numerous and busy as that 
which was to be found in the market-places of Athens. The 
Peirae'us could accommodate four hundred triremes, the 
other two not more than fifty each. 

13. The road to the harbours was enclosed by a double 
wall, designed and executed by Themis 'tocles. These walls 
.were built entirely of free-stone, and were so wide that two 
wagons could drive on them abreast. The road was orna- 
mented with the monuments of deceased poets, statesmen, 
and warriors, whom the Athenians frequently persecuted 
during their lives, and almost deified after their death. 

14. The most remarkable places in the vicinity of Athens 
were the gymna'sia, or public schools ; three of which de- 
serve to be more particularly mentioned — the Acad'emy, the 
Lycae'um, and the Cynosar'ges. 

15. The Academy lay at the north-west side of Athens, at 
the extremity of the Cerami'cus, without the walls. It was 
originally the demesne of a rich Athenian, named Acade'- 
mus, and was the place chosen by Pla'to for the instruction 

* Lysander established an oligarchy in Athens, as the Spartans usu- 
ally did in all the cities that they conquered. See History. 



28 INTRODUCTION. 

of his disciples. It is said to have been laid out with great 
taste and elegance ; and its groves are described as among 
the finest specimens of ornamental planting. 

16. On the eastern side was the Cynosar'ges, where the 
principles of the Cyn'ic philosophy were taught; and a 
little to the right of it, the Lycae'um, where Aristotle lec- 
tured. As this philosopher delivered his instructions while 
walking about the pleasure-grounds, his followers were 
named Peripatet'ics.* 

17. From the geographical position of Athens, we are led 
to deduce some inferences which may illustrate the history 
of the republic. 

It was the centre of a small but compact territory. No 
inhabitant of Attica was more than a day's journey from the 
metropolis ; and there was consequently no necessity for 
local jurisdiction in the villages. Athens was emphatically 
what it was called, Astu, the city ; and in it the pride and 
the affections of all the provincials were as much concen- 
trated as if they had been actually citizens. It is therefore 
natural to suppose that all the thoughts of the Athenians 
would be directed to the beautifying of their city, as well as 
to the increase of its political influence. 

Attica was not a fertile country, but it was admirably 
situated for extensive commerce ; still there must have been 
always a powerful party favourable to agriculture — men pos- 
sessed of hereditary claims to respect, rich in olive-grounds 
and fig-gardens, who looked with a jealous eye on the riches 
and influence which men of inferior rank acquired by trade. 
Hence we may expect to find in the history of the Athenian 
republic, traces of a struggle between the landed and mer- 
cantile interests ; in which the former would aim at esta- 
blishing an oligarchy, by limiting the possession of power 
to men of noble birth; or, what must in early times have 
been the same thing, persons inheriting large estates ; while 
on the other hand the advocates of commerce would endea- 
vour to establish a pure democracy. 

Finally, Athens would naturally be at the head of the 
different commercial states that studded the coasts of the 
iEge'an; she would be almost compelled to send out colo- 
nies, and establish depots on the Thracian coasts, in order 
to hold communication with the Eux'ine sea: she would be 
the mistress of the iEge'an islands, and in close contact with 

* From 7ryuTXT<a) peripate'o, I walk about. 



PRINCIPAL GRECIAN* CITIES. 29 

the Persian provinces in Asia Minor. From these compli- 
cated relations, we may expect that various disputes and 
wars would arise ; especially as the democratic nature of 
the Athe'nian government would prevent the adoption of a 
steady line of policy. 

18. The notices of Thebes in ancient writers are not suf- 
ficiently explicit to furnish the materials of a long descrip- 
tion. It was founded by Cadmus; but its walls were C b.c. 
erected by Amphi'on and Ze'thus, about a century { 1493. 
later. It was more remarkable for its extent than for the 
beauty of its edifices ; but its seven gates are spoken of as 
meriting admiration. 

19. The Thebans looked on their city as the capital of 
Bceo'tia, and were therefore involved in constant disputes 
with the other cities in that province. We are therefore led 
to expect that in Grecian history we shall find the Thebans 
more anxious to extend their dominions over their neigh- 
bours, than to exert themselves for the general benefit of the 
Hellenic community. 

20. Del'phi, whose celebrated oracle exercised so great 
an influence over the Grecian states, was romantically situ- 
ated in a valley of mount Parnassus, and imbosomed in dark 
forests. The veneration in which the temple of Apol'lo and 
the Pythian responses were held, induced not only the Greek 
states but even foreign princes to send rich treasures to the 
shrine ; and Delphi, even at an early age, became celebrated 
for the extent of its stores, and the beauty of its decora- 
tions. 

21. In Grecian history we are not to expect that Delphi 
will appear prominent. Placed out of the way of the dif- 
ferent states who contended for supremacy, it was the com- 
mon object of veneration to all ; and consequently all felt 
interested in maintaining its integrity. But when the trea- 
sures collected during ages in the shrine had stimulated the 
cupidity of some neighbouring community, we should natu- 
rally be inclined to conjecture that the most cruel of all 
wars, a religious war, should be the consequence. 

22. Sparta, or Lacedse'mon, is supposed to have been 
founded by Le'lex, a leader of the Pelasgi ; but at what 
time it is impossible to determine. It became a city of con- 
siderable importance before the time of the Trojan war, and 
soon after the Doric invasion,* was considered the principal 

* See History, chap. I. 
c 2 



30 INTRODUCTION. 

city of the Peloponnesus. The name Sparta was strictly 
applicable only to the citadel erected on a hill in the centre 
of the city: Lacedae'mon was a common name for the resi- 
dences of the five Laconian tribes which were erected round 
the citadel. It was one of the largest cities in Greece ; but 
being built in a straggling manner, was not so populous as 
several others. As the Spar'tans professed to despise the 
fine arts, their city did not contain any public edifice of 
importance. There is nothing in the situation of Lacedae'- 
mon which would lead us to anticipate the eminence at which 
it arrived. The river Euro'tas, on whose banks it stood, 
was celebrated for the clearness and salubrity of its waters, 
but it was not a navigable stream, and afforded no facilities 
for commerce. The fame of Sparta was owing to its poli- 
tical institutions,* and not to its geographical position. 

23. At the southern extremity of the isthmus that united 
the Peloponnesus to Hellas stood Co'rinth, a city enjoying 
the best situation for extensive commerce, in ancient or 
b. c. ? perhaps in modern times. It was founded by 
2616. 5 Sis'yphus, the son of iE'olus, and was originally 
named Ephyre, but when the family of Pe'lopst became 
masters of the Peninsula, it received its present name from 
Corin'thus, a son of the Phrygian hero. 24. The city was 
situated at the foot of a lofty mountain, Acro-corin'thus, 
and was about four miles in extent. It was richly adorned 
with temples and statues, and the supply of water was 
better than in any other Grecian city, for its aqueducts 
were numerous and abundant. 

25. Acro-corin'thus was the strongest fortress in Greece, 
and rivalled the Acropolis of Athens in the magnificence of 
its prospects ; beneath it stood the city with its numerous 
edifices and busy crowd, beyond lay the narrow isthmus 
and the two ports of the city Cen'chrese on the Saron'ic 
and Lechae'um on the Cressae'an bay ; these harbours were 
usually crowded with ships, for the isthmus furnished a 
convenient market, where the merchants of western Europe 
might meet and trade with the Asiatics. Farther to the 
north might be seen the summits of Hel'icon and Parnas'sus ; 
and on the eastern side a strong eye might discern the 
Athenian Acrop'olis. 

26. From this sketch of the position of Corinth, we are 
ed to anticipate the great commerce which it enjoyed, 

* Sec History, chap. TT. j- Ibid. chap. I. 



PRIXCtPAL CRECIAX CITIES. 31 

especially with western Europe, as there was no great city 
on the lo'nian sea. It is also natural to suppose that the 
population would soon become too numerous for its limited 
extent, and that the Corinthian colonies would be more 
numerous than those of any other city. As it was the very 
key of the Peloponnesus, we might have expected that 
Corinth would have held the balance of power between 
northern and southern Greece ; but its inhabitants were 
more mercantile than warlike, and neglected to avail them- 
selves of the military advantages of their situation. Com- 
mercial jealousy made them in general hostile to the Athe- 
nians, and consequently allies of the Spartans, but their 
hostilitity to their rival was on some occasions tempered 
with a generosity* not very usual among competitors in 
trade. 

27. In case of foreign invasion, Corinth became the 
citadel of Greece. The successive bands of spoilers who 
devastated that unhappy country, found this city garrisoned 
by men eager to defend the last hope of their country. 
Hence, after the decline of Grecian liberty, we meet with 
several instances of Co'rinth being fiercely besieged and 
heroically defended ; and suffering fearfully from the ven- 
geance of its barbarous conquerors. In allusion to these 
circumstances, Lord Byron opens his poem of the Siege of 
Corinth with the following lines, whose spirit and beauty 
will serve as a relief to the dryness of our geographical 
details : 

Many a vanish'd year and age, 

And tempest's breath and battle's rage, 

Have swept o'er Corinth ; yet she stands, 

A fortress form'd to freedom's hands. 

The whirlwind's wrath, the earthquake's shock 

Have left untouch'd her hoary rock, 

The key- stone of a land which still 

Though fall'n looks proudly on that hill, 

The land-mark to the double tide, 

That purpling rolls on either side, 

As if their waters chafed to meet, 

Yet pause and crouch beneath her feet. 

But could the blood before her shed 

Since first Timoleon's brother bled, 

Or baffled Persia's despot fled, 

Arise from out the earth which drank 

The stream of slaughter as it sank, 

* See History, chap. III. 



32 



INTRODUCTION. 

That sanguine ocean would o'erflow 

Her isthmus idly spread below 5 

Or count the bone& of all the slain, 

Who perish'd there be piled again, 

That rival pyramid would rise 

More mountain-like through those clear skies, 

Than yon tower-capt Acrop'olis, 

Which seems the very clouds to kiss. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. How was Athens situated? 

2. By whom was the city built ? 

3. For what was the Acropolis remarkable ? 

4. How was the Propylsa ornamented 1 

5. By what fortifications was the citadel defended ? 

6. What public buildings did the Acropolis contain? 

7. Were there any remarkable edifices at the foot of the hill on which 

the Acropolis was built ? 

8. What remarkable places were in the quarter Ceramicus ? 

9. Was any privilege given to the temple of Theseus ? 

10. What assemblies were held on the Areopagus and Pnyx ? 

11. Was there any other remarkable hill in Athens ? 

12. What were the three Athenian harbours ? 

13. How was the intercourse between the city and the havens pro- 

tected ? * 

14. What were the Gymnasia? 

15. Who taught in the Academy ? 

16. To what sects of philosophers did Cynosarges and the Lycaeum 

belong ? 

17 What inferences are deduced from the geographical position of 

Athens ? 

18 By whom was Thebes built ? 

19. Why were the citizens of Thebes at war with the other Boeotians ? 

20. Where was Delphi situated ? 

21. What effect had this city on Grecian affairs? 

22. How was Sparta situated ? 

23. What was the ancient name of Corinth ? 

24. Where was it situated ? 

25. Was there any remarkable prospect from the Acro-cerinthus '! 

26. What was the character of the Corinthian people ? 

27. What was the consequence of the position of Corinth ? 



GRECIAN IDOLATRY. 



CHAPTER III. 

GRECIAN IDOLATRY. 

A Bhining synod of majestic gods 

Gilds with new lustre the divine abodes ; 

Heaven seems improved with a superior ray, 

And the bright arch reflects a double day. — Pope from Statins. 

1. The origin of the Grecian religion has been differently 
narrated by historians, some asserting that it was originally 
derived from Egypt, others declaring that Phceni'cia was 
its parent, while not a few contend, that in the ancient 
history of Crete or Sam'othrace we must look for those 
personages whom the Greeks looked on as the rulers of 
Olym'pus.* Much may be said in support of each of these 
several suppositions, for it is probable that the colonies 
which successively settled in the country, brought with 
them the worship practised in their native land ; but none 
of them would, if taken separately, explain the reason of 
the great difference between the Grecian system of idolatry 
and all those which from time immemorial have prevailed 
in the east. The account given by the ancient Greeks 
themselves appears to be founded in truth : they tell us, that 
the poets collected the various traditions which were spread 
through the country, and arranged them into one uniform 
system, which the beauty of their verses soon caused to be 
universally adopted. 

2. Instead of enumerating the names and attributes of the 
deities, which may be found in any pantheon, we shall en- 
deavour rather to discover what was the nature of the Gre- 
cian religion, in its effect on the character of the people, 
and contrast it with the superstitions of Asia. The great 
struggle between the eastern and western world is the most 
prominent feature in the ensuing history ; any light that 
can be thrown on the character of the combatants will not 
only make us more interested in their fortunes, but also 
greatly assist us in understanding the nature of the contest. 

3. Every inquiry that has been made into the supersti- 
tions that prevailed in Asia has contributed to prove, that 
the divinities of the East were purely elementary, or in 
other words, founded on some power or object of nature, 
and that the attribute which they principally contemplated 

* A mountain in Thessaly (see Introduction, chapter I.), on wnosa 
summit the poets asserted that the gods had fixed their residence. 



34 INTRODUCTION. 

in the object of their worship, was resistless power. The 
sun, the moon, the starry host, the earth, the river that 
watered the country, the storms and whirlwinds that laid 
waste the fields, these and similar objects mingled with 
rude ideas of a creating - , preserving, and destroying power, 
formed the ground-work of the different religious systems 
that prevailed in the East. They did, indeed, sometimes 
represent their deities in the human form, because men 
naturally associate ideas of excellence with their own 
shape ; but they did not from thence deduce that the deities 
were actuated by human feelings. The form was always 
a secondary consideration, and they did not hesitate to dis- 
figure it by the most unnatural combinations, in order to 
convey more forcibly their ideas of divine power. The 
Hindoo represents his god with fifty arms, the Egyptians 
gave to their deities the heads and limbs of animals. In all 
these cases the statue was looked on as a symbol rather 
than a representation.* 4. Beings possessed of boundless 
power, who men had no reason to hope would sympa- 
thize in their condition, naturally inspired terror ; hence 
the Asiatics adopted a religion of fear, and worshipped 
their gods rather to avert evil, than procure good. This 
naturally led to ciuel sacrifices ; human beings were and 
still continue to be offered up in the East, for mercy and 
love form no part of the attributes with which their deities 
are invested. The influence of such a belief on the mind 
must have been injurious in the highest degree ; it predis- 
posed men to slavery, because they were naturally ready to 
acknowledge in the government of their country, those 
principles by which they believed the whole world to be 
directed. Despotism in its worst form they looked upon as 
the great principle that ruled the natural world, their gods 
were to be conciliated, not by rectitude and piety, but by 
cruel sufferings, severe austerities, and inhuman sacrifices. 
We find that these same principles pervaded all the Asiatic 
forms of government ; let us now see what practical effect 
they were likely to produce. 

5. The Asiatics could have no idea of political rights or 
justice ; their patriotism must have consisted in simple at- 
tachment to the soil, their only connexion with the govern- 

* The student will easily understand the distinction by a reference to 
the signs of the zodiac, ^ is the symbol of the constellation Aries, p 
picture of the stars which compose it would be a representation. 



GRECIAN IDOLATRY. 35 

ment was blind submission to the ruler's will. Hence, 
when a war broke out, they might fight for pay or plunder, 
through love of their leader, or attachment to their sove- 
reign, but never from a desire to serve their country, or se- 
cure its independence. This simplified the business of con- 
quest in the East ; when an army was beaten the country 
was subdued, the general body of the people no more 
dreamed of resisting a victor, than they would attempt to 
struggle against an earthquake, or a whirlwind. Sesos'- 
tris, Cy'rus, Alexander, and many others, overran the East 
with forces scarcely sufficient to garrison one of its pro- 
vinces. 

6. From the same habit of looking on their individual 
leader as every thing and themselves as nothing, the suc- 
cess of an Asiatic army depended altogether on the charac- 
ter of its general. There was no emulation between the 
different bodies of the army, no soldier dared to think foi 
himself, he fought indeed where he was commanded, but if 
his leader fell, or was made prisoner, he fought no longer ; 
when the general fled, his army ran away ; the Asiatics 
were habituated to act as mere machines, and consequent- 
ly became useless when the moving power was destroyed. 
This was the fatal secret on which the fortune of Persia 
depended, the celebrated expedition of the ten thousand* 
revealed it to the Greeks, and Alexander, by availing him- 
self of the knowledge, decided the fate of the eastern world 
at Issus and Arbela. 

7. The religion of the Greeks was one of the most ex- 
traordinary phenomena that the world ever witnessed ; it 
was formed by the poets, and upheld by the fine arts. To 
use the expressive words of an old philosopher, its gods were 
immortal men, and its men were mortal gods. Instead of 
the single attribute of brute force, the divinities of Greece 
were supposed to possess all the passions and affections of 
human nature, joined indeed with the possession of supreme 
power, but power subjected to the control of wisdom and 
justice. Though many absurdities flowed from thus attri- 
buting human characters to the gods, it gave a warmth and 
affection to their worship, which produced salutary effects. 
The Greek honoured his deity as his friend,! he presented 
the same gifts at the altar as he would have offered to a fel- 

* See History. -j- Except the infernal deities. 



36 INTRODUCTION. 

low-mortal whose favour he wished to conciliate, he cele- 
brated the sacred festivals with songs and dances, because 
such things delighted himself, and gratified all his acquaint- 
ance. 8. By a natural transition this attachment was ex- 
tended to the place where the deity was worshipped, and 
became an additional cause of that ardent love with which 
the Greeks regarded their native land. To defend their 
temples was with them a more powerful motive than to 
protect their firesides ; and all through this history we 
shall see that piety was a principal part of Grecian patriot- 
ism. 9. On this account we must expect to meet with reli- 
gious wars and persecutions, in the history of this people ; 
it is enough to mention the Messe'nian and the two Phce'- 
cian wars as instances of the inveterate hostility with which 
they were punished who presumed to offend the gods, the 
friends of the nation. 

10. Another peculiarity in the Grecian religion was, that 
the priesthood was not limited to a particular family* or 
class ; it appears to have been like the magistracy in the 
republics, elective and temporary ; and many important ser- 
vices of religion were performed by the generals and magis- 
trates themselves. This prevented the establishment of a 
privileged class who might monopolize knowledge, as hap- 
pened in Egypt and other countries, while at the same time 
it gave a character of freedom to religion, which must natu- 
rally have been imitated in politics. 11. The persecutions 
raised against those who insulted, or were supposed to have 
insulted the religion of the state, do not appear in any in- 
stance to have been caused by the priesthood ; theAmphic- 
tyonic council was composed of laymen when it commenced 
the sacred wars ; Alcibi'ades and Soc'rates were accused of 
impiety, not by priests, but by the factious demagogues ; 
they were condemned by the national tribunal, and not by 
an ecclesiastical inquisition. In short, the Grecian was a 
state religion only, because every individual in the state felt 
interested in its preservation.! 

12. The most striking consequence of their religion was, 
the ardour with which the Greeks cultivated the fine arts. 
The gods were supposed to possess a human form, but the 
beauty and sublimity of their appearance was far superior 

* There were some exceptions to this rule, as in the instance of the 
Eumol'pidfeat Athens, 
j- See History, chap. III. 



GRECIAN IDOLATRY. 37 

to that of ordinary mortals. The poets laboured to describe 
the majesty of the deities by the most lively images. The 
painter and statuary endeavoured to embody these concep- 
tions on the canvas, and in the marble. This was the origin 
of ideal beauty, or the discovery of the highest degree of 
perfection which the human form can be conceived to attain. 
Thus with its religion was associated all that makes the 
name of Greece honoured by posterity ; epic poetry cele- 
rated the wars of gods, and heroes descended from them; 
the lyric writers composed hymns in their praise, and the 
dramatic writers laboured strenuously to produce pieces 
worthy of being represented at their festivals; poetry, paint- 
ing, sculpture, music, were cultivated, not so much for their 
own excellence, as for their connexion with the service of 
deities, who were loved as friends, while they were wor- 
shipped as rulers. 

13. All these circumstances combined to accelerate the 
progress of civilization in Greece. Athens had arrived at a 
pitch of refinement higher than Rome ever attained, when 
the entire west of Europe remained sunk in barbarism. But 
perhaps this very refinement may have been the chief cause 
of its ruin, by introducing a lavish expenditure in matters 
merely ornamental, and exhausting those treasures on which 
the nation relied for its defence, in splendid buildings, and 
pompous processions. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What is the probable origin of the Grecian idolatry 1 

2. Why are we interested in examining its effects 1 

3. What was the nature of the deities of the Asiatic nations 1 

4. Did any evil consequences result from the peculiar nature of the 

religion of the East 1 

5. What influence had the Asiatic religion on the political character 

of the Eastern nations ? 

6. Did it influence military affairs ] 

7. What character did the Greeks attribute to their deities 1 

8. How did their religion increase the patriotism of the Greeks 1 

9. Why may we expect to read of religious wars in Grecian history ! 

10. What is remarkable in the Grecian priesthood ] 

11. Were the priests the authors of any persecutions 1 

12. Did the religion of Greece produce any effect on the fine arts' 1 

13. Were these blessings unmixed with evil? 



38 INTRODUCTION. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE MYSTERIES AND ORACLES. 

False prophecy which dreams a lie. 

That fools believe and knaves apply. — Greene. 

1. Besides the popular religion, in which all the Greeks 
participated, there were in every Grecian state certain 
mysteries, ceremonies of a secret religion, in which none 
but the initiated could participate. The nature of the doc- 
trines taught in these solemnities, and the meaning of their 
rites, were covered with an impenetrable veil of secrecy ; to 
divulge the hidden nature of these mysteries was deemed a 
crime of the greatest magnitude, and we shall see, in the 
course of the following history, that the bare suspicion of 
having betrayed some of the mysteries to the uninitiated, pro- 
duced the banishment of Alcibi'ades, at the moment when 
his services were most wanted by the Athenians. It is 
easier to discover the origin and tendency, than the nature 
and meaning of these mysterious doctrines and observances ; 
the notices scattered through ancient writers are brief and 
unsatisfactory, modern disquisitions are too frequently 
founded on mere conjecture, and generally exhibit more 
power of imagination than depth of knowledge. As these 
mysteries, however, had a powerful effect on the national 
character, it is necessary to take some notice of them before 
we enter on the history of the people. 

2. All the historians concur in representing the mysteries 
as derived from some foreign source ; the mysteries of 
Ceres, the first in interest and importance, were brought 
from Egypt by Dan'aus ; the secret rites of Bac'chus were 
derived from Thrace, and Crete supplied those of the Cure'- 
tes and Dac'tyli. 3. Indeed, from the earliest ages we find 
traces in all the eastern countries of a religion entirely 
differing from the vulgar, confined to a particular caste, and 
guarded from the rest of mankind with the most sedulous 
care. We are told that " Moses was skilled in all the wis- 
dom of the Egyptians," by which undoubtedly is meant, 
that the secrets of the priesthood had been revealed to him 
as an adopted disciple of their order. The ceremonies in 
the temple of Sa'is in Egypt, are declared to have been pre- 
cisely the same as those of the Eleusi'nian mysteries, cele- 
brated in honour of Ceres at Eleu'sis a village of Attica, 



GRECIAN IDOLATRY. 39 

and the inscription on the pedestal of Miner'va's statue in 
that temple, gives us a remote conception of the nature of 
the secret doctrines there taught. The inscription was : "I 
am all that is, was, and shall be : and no one has ever lifted 
my veil." From this it would seem probable that these 
institutions were designed to preserve the knowledge of the 
meaning attached to the symbolical representations of the 
divinities, together with the traditions of the origin of the 
world, and of the deities themselves. 

4. After the epic poets had systematized the mythology 
of Greece, the knowledge of the religion originally intro- 
duced from Egypt and Asia would have totally perished but 
for the mysteries, and it is doubtful if even they were suffi- 
cient for its preservation. Homer does not mention them, 
because in his time the religion of the vulgar and that of the 
instructed was the same ; but when his fables and those of 
Hesiod became the source from whence the populace derived 
their religious knowledge, the mysteries suddenly rose into 
importance, and were deemed objects of the highest national 
concern. But in process of time these secret doctrines 
probably degenerated into empty forms, and unmeaning 
ritual ; they were more honoured for their antiquity than 
valued for their importance, after Athens had been subju- 
gated by the Romans ; but like many secret societies in 
Europe, they continued to exist in name long after their 
power had been destroyed. 

5. But the mysteries of ancient Greece inspired more 
reverential awe in the minds of the multitude, than any 
modern institutions of a similar nature ever produced. The 
doctrines and the nature of the ceremonies were revealed 
only to the initiated, but the ceremonies themselves were 
public ; no one but a member could take a part in the fes- 
tivals and processions, no one was excluded from being a 
spectator. Whilst the multitude was permitted to gaze at 
these exhibitions, to increase the splendour of which all the 
resources of art were exhausted, they learned to believe 
that there was something more sublime revealed to the 
initiated, and their ignorance of its nature only served to in- 
arease their awe and admiration. Thus the public worship 
inspired love for the divinities, while the private religion 
filled the mind with reverence, and both combined to ele- 
vate the national character, by freeing it from the servile 
adoration of the \siatic, and the stern political religion of 
the Romans. 



40 INTRODUCTION. 



6. In all ages the eager desire of men to penetrate futu- 
rity has led to unnumbered superstitions, which the artful 
and the designing have perverted to their own purposes. 
Even in our own day, a belief in omens and dreams still 
continues to exist in the minds of the uneducated ; all the 
accidental coincidences are carefully treasured up as in- 
stances of the certainty of prognostic, while the far more 
numerous instances of failure are forgotten. When such 
absurdity continues to exist, even in this enlightened age, we 
can easily imagine that men in the commencement of society 
would be much more easily duped by pretensions to fore- 
knowledge ; if fortune-tellers find dupes even amid all the 
light and knowledge of the nineteenth century, we may readi- 
ly believe that a crafty priesthood could impose on the world, 
when they monopolized all the little learning that existed. 

7. Of all the modes of divination practised in Greece, 
that of oracles was the most important, and produced the 
greatest effect on the nation. No enterprise of conse- 
quence was undertaken until the will of the gods had been 
inquired at the holy shrines ; expeditions were undertaken 
or laid aside according to the responses delivered by the 
priest or priestess, in the name of the deity. 8. The first, 
and in the earlier ages of Greece, the most important oracle 
was that of Ju'piter at Dodo'na. It is said by some to 
have existed in the time of Deuca'lion, but others, with 
more probability, assign its origin to a later period. Two 
Egyptian priestesses that were carried off by Phoenician 
merchants from Thebes in Egypt, were sold as slaves, the 
one in Lib'ya, and the other in Epi'rus ; their superior 
knowledge enabled them to impose on the credulity of the 
natives, and at length they were enabled to establish the 
oracle of Jupiter at Dodo'na, and that of Am'mon in Lib'ya. 
This simple account became by tradition a very wonderful 
story ; it was said that two black doves, sent by Jupiter 
had flown into these countries, and addressing the inhabit 
ants in human voice, foretold future events. 

9. But the fame of the Dodo'nean oracle was eclipsed by 
that of Del'phi ; Jupiter continued to be considered as the 
great author of prophecy, but Apol'lo was looked upon as 
its most lucid interpreter. The discovery of the Delphic 
oracle is said to have originated in accident ; a shepherd on 
mount Parnassus observed, that when his goats approach- 



MYSTERIES AND ORACLES. 41 

ed a particular fissure in the mountains, they were seized 
with extraordinary convulsions, and agitated by a species 
of delirium. Anxious to examine the cause of this phe- 
nomenon, he approached the fissure, and scarcely had he 
breathed the exhalation which issued from it, when he was 
seized with frenzy, and uttered words of strange import. 
10. The matter became noised abroad, a temple was built 
over the place, and a priestess named Pyth'ia appointed to 
deliver oracles from a tripod placed over the fissure. Her 
words were then put into hexameter verse by some poets 
kept in attendance for the purpose. The verses, however, 
were so bad that it was commonly said, " the god of poetry 
is the worst of poets." 

11. The fame of the oracle of Delphi soon eclipsed all 
the others ; its celebrity spread, not merely through Greece, 
but extended to western Asia, and the northern shores of 
Africa and Italy. 12. Its responses, veiled in studied obscu- 
rity, could in general be interpreted so as to seem to have 
foretold the event whichever way it turned, out, as in the 
celebrated answer to Pyrrhus : 

" Aio te, iEacida, Romanos vincere posse." 

Which may be translated, either that Pyrrhus would van- 
quish the Romans, or that they would conquer him. But 
obscurity was not the only means by which the credit of 
the oracle was maintained ; the very belief in its power 
had a tendency to perpetuate itself, for those in whose favour 
an oracle had been uttered deemed themselves invincible, as 
being under the special protection of heaven, while those 
against whom the Py'thia had decided were proportionally 
dispirited. 

13. As the Greeks became more enlightened, the influ- 
ence of the Delphic oracle decreased ; an insult offered to 
the shrine by the Pho'cians produced both the sacred wars ; 
but it is easy to see from the history, that in the interval 
between them, men's minds had undergone a great altera- 
tion : in the first, a desire to avenge the profaned temple 
was both the real and professed motive of the assailams ; 
in the second, religion was the ostensible pretext, but we 
can clearly see that it was nothing more than a pretext. 
Even amongst the Athenians, the most superstitious of all 
the Grecian tribes, Demosthenes did not hesitate to say, 
" the Pythia philippizes" boldly asserting that the oracles 
were not inspired by Apollo, but purchased by Philip. 
d2 



42 INTRODUCTION. 

After the extinction of Grecian liberty, the Delphic oracle 
still held on a lingering existence, and its decline was so 
gradual, that it is impossible to discover at what time it be- 
came totally silent. 

14. The oracle of Apollo at De'los was as highly ho- 
noured, though not so celebrated, as that of Delphi. Thi- 
ther the Athenians annually sent a sacred ship called Par'- 
alus, and from the moment of her sailing until her return, it 
was unlawful to put any criminal to death. 15. The oracle 
of Tropho'nius in Lebadei'a was also celebrated, chiefly 
indeed from the jugglery of the priests, who introduced the 
visitants into a cave, and exhibited such terrifying sights as 
usually dispirited them for the rest of their lives : hence, 
" to have visited the cave of Trophonius," was a phrase 
proverbially applied to all persons of a dark and gloomy 
disposition. 

16. The faith in oracles, though it in some degree tended 
to inspire a reverence for the deities, yet on the whole 
produced injurious effects. While they met with general 
credence, a belief in fatalism was naturally produced, which 
damped the energies of those to whom danger was threaten- 
ed, and gave their adversaries spurious confidence, rather 
than true courage. 17. The deception, though admirably 
managed, could not be concealed for ever ; party-feeling, 
but more frequently avarice, induced the priests to pass 
judgments dictated by their prejudice or their interest; 
and when these were falsified by events, the credit of the 
oracle was shaken to the foundation. After the conclusion 
of the first Peloponnesian war, we meet with several in- 
stances of generals who made it their boast that they dis- 
regarded omens, prodigies, and oracles ; Epaminondas was 
especially remarkable for his disregard of all such quack- 
ery, and answered his superstitious monitors with that well- 
known verse of Homer : 

****** His sword the brave man draws, 
And asks no omen but his country's cause. 

The Athenian philosophers contributed much to shake the 
credit previously given to these supposed declarations of the 
divine will ; and though oracles continued to be consulted, 
yet they appear to have lost all political influence before the 
age of Alexander. 

18. Still the temples of Dodo'na and Delphi were not 
entirely useless : they kept up a spirit of nationality among 



MYSTERIES AND ORACLES. 43 

the different branches of the Hellenic race ; for these tem- 
ples were not considered the property of the Thesprotians 
or Phocians, but of all those of Greek descent, in whatever 
part of the world they resided. Delphi especially was to 
the Greeks what Jerusalem was to the Jews, and Mecca is 
to the Mohammedans — a national temple, in whose preser- 
vation all are interested, because all have been accustomed 
to regard it with veneration. The guardianship of these 
sanctuaries being intrusted to the Amphyctionic council, a 
connecting link was formed between the government and 
the popular religion ; and at the same time the pilgrimages 
made from Greece and the most remote colonies, by bring- 
ing together representatives of all the remote branches of 
the Hellenic family, reminded them that they were one race 
and one people. 

19. The right of consulting the oracles belonged almost 
exclusively to the Greeks ; though some foreign princes, 
especially the Lydian monarchs, were permitted to seek 
responses, and offer presents. But the meanest state of 
Grecian origin, and the humblest individual of Grecian 
descent, had the privilege of visiting the shrine and seeking 
the information which he was taught to believe a benignant 
deity had particularly provided for all the descendants of 
Hell'en.* 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Besides the public religion already mentioned, was there not an- 

other in Greece 1 

2. Whence were the mysteries introduced 1 

3. How does it appear that Egypt was the parent of the Eleusinian 

mysteries 1 

4. What seems to have been their design 1 

5. How did this secret religion affect the public 1 

6. What appears to have been the origin of oracles 1 

7. Did they at any time possess much influence in Greece 1 

8. By whom was the oracle of Dodona established 1 

9. How is the Delphic oracle said to have been discovered 1 

10. How were the oracles delivered 1 ? 

11. Were they much celebrated 1 

12. How was its fame preserved 1 

13. When does the oracle of Delphi seem to have lost its influence 1 

14. How was the temple of Apollo at Delos honoured by the Athe- 



* See History, chap. I. 



44 INTRODUCTION. 

15. Was there not an oracle at Lebadeia 1 

16. What injurious effects did the belief in oracles produce ''. 

1 7. How was the credit of oracles shaken 1 

18. Did the worship at Delphi produce any good result? 

19. Why was the Delphic oracle a source of national pride ] 



CHAPTER V. 

PUBLIC GAMES AND FESTIVALS. 

Glory he loved for glory's sake alone, 

Nor would he change his simple laurel wreath, 

For India's wealth or Persia's wide domain. — Cooke. 

1. None of the Grecian institutions tended more to unite 
the different branches of the Hellenic family into one nation, 
than the public games which were celebrated at stated inter- 
vals. Of these there were four — the Olym'pic, the Pyth'- 
ian, the Neme'an, and the Isth'mian. The general design 
of all the games was the same ; it was to display bodily and 
mental excellence, to excite emulation by rewarding merit, 
and to afford opportunities for the exhibition of every thing 
that tended to exalt the national character. 2. They rose 
gradually into importance. In the time of Homer, they 
were neglected so much that the poet takes no notice of their 
existence ; but in the space of about two centuries they had 
arrived at such a height of fame that the victors were cele- 
brated by Pindar ; and a crown obtained at the Olympic 
games was deemed the greatest of mortal honours. The 
painters and sculptors sent the best specimens of their art to 
Olympia ; poets, orators, and historians recited portions of 
their works in these national assemblies ; and all the vocal 
and instrumental performers who had any skill in music, 
were eager to have their fame sanctioned by the approbation 
of the Olympic judges. 

3. The Idse'i Dac'tyli are said to have instituted the 
Olym'pic games. They were revived by Hercules ; but 
having again fallen into neglect, they were re-established by 
b.c. } Iph'itus, who ordained that they should be regu- 
884. 5 larly celebrated every fifth year. 4. The intervals 
between these festivals were called olympiads, and by them 
the Greeks computed time: they reckoned, however, not 
from their institution or re-establishment, but from the vic- 
b.c. } tory of Corcebus, which, though always counted 
776. 3 the first, was really the twenty-eighth olympiad. 



PUBLIC GAMES AND FESTIVALS. 45 

This mode of ascertaining dates continued to be Ca. d. 
used until the -364th Olympiad, when the Christian £440. 
era was substituted in its stead. 

5. The athletic exercises used in these games were five, 
viz.: leaping, running, throwing, which was performed 
with javelins, arrows, quoits,- &c, and wrestling, which 
seems also to have included boxing. The other exercises 
were horse and chariot-races, of different kinds, but alike 
in deciding the victory more by the skill of the rider or 
charioteer than by the strength or swiftness of the horses. 

6. The contests between musicians, artists, poets, &c. 
were secondary objects in the Olym'pic games, but formed 
the principal part of the Pyth'ian. The latter were cele 
brated every fifth year at Delphi, and are said to have been 
instituted by Apollo, in honour of his victory over the ser- 
pent Py'thon. 

7. The Neme'an games were celebrated every third year 
at Neme'a, a village in Argolis. They are said by some to 
have been instituted in commemoration of the destruction 
of the Nemean lion by Hercules. But the more general 
account is, that they were funeral games, in memory of 
Archem'orus.* 

8. The Isthmian games, so named from the place of 
their celebration, the Corinthian isthmus, were instituted in 
memory of the Melicertes, the son of Athamas and Ino. 
These games were considered so sacred, that they were not 
permitted to be laid aside, even in consequence of a public 
calamity. 

9. The rewards at the public games were chiefly hono- 
rary ; the Olympic victor was crowned with laurel, the 
Pythian received a chaplet, made of some fruit-tree ; the 
Nemean and Isthmian conquerors received crowns made of 
parsley, that of the former being green, and that of the 
latter withered. But though no pecuniary reward was given 
at the games, almost every state in Greece settled pensions 
on any of their citizens who had been so fortunate as to 
obtain prizes. 

10. The similarity between these games and the tourna- 
ments of the middle ages appears at first very striking, 
but little consideration will show that they were institutions 
of a totally different nature. The exercises of chivalry 

* See Archemorus, Ino, Melicertes, and Athamas in Lempriere's 
Classical Dictionary. 



46 INTRODUCTION. 

were confined to a particular class of society ; no person of 
obscure family was allowed to share in them, and they were 
entirely of a martial character. The meanest Greek might 
contend at the Olympic games, but the most powerful 
monarch who was not of Hellenic descent could not become 
a candidate. They were designed to display the glory of 
the Greek nation, and this they effected by exhibiting every 
thing which could excite admiration ; bodily strength and 
skill in manly excellence, the splendour of opulence, as 
displayed in the rich equipages that contended in the chariot 
race ; intellectual excellence of every description, poetry, 
oratory, painting, sculpture, and music. 

11. The government of these games was confided to the 
people in whose vicinity they were celebrated ; but some 
control appears to have been exercised over them by the 
Amphictyon'ic council. There were several assemblies of 
this kind, which have all been forgotten in the superior 
celebrity of that which met at Delphi and Thermop'ylse. In 
general, the characteristics of these assemblies were, first, 
that several states should form a federative union, and agree 
to send deputies to debate on matters of common interest; 
secondly, that the meetings should be held in a temple or 
sanctuary ; and thirdly, that the time of their assembly 
should be celebrated as a festival, by games and processions. 
12. They appear to have been instituted at a time when 
Greece was divided into tribes, and before the cities became 
of importance. Hence their weight in preventing civil war 
among the Greeks was lost, when individual states, such as 
Athens or Sparta, began to struggle for eminence. In fact, 
after the termination of the Persian war, the Amphictyon'ic 
council became to the Greeks what the Diet is to the Ger- 
mans, a national council, that preserved a certain feeling of 
brotherhood, though it did not possess any real political in- 
fluence. Athens and Sparta no more referred the decision 
of their disputes to the assembly at Delphi, than Austria 
and Prussia to the congress at Ratisbon ; still they enter- 
tained a certain respect for the great national council, and 
observed certain regulations, even in war, which had been 
instituted by the Amphictyons. 

13. From these assemblies originated the rules observed 
in civilized warfare, which form so important a part of the 
law of nations. This will appear if we consider some of 
the clauses in the ancient Amphictyonic oath ; the deputies 
swore in the name of the states they represented " never to 



PUBLIC GAMES AND FESTIVALS. 47 

destroy an Amphictyonic city ; not to deprive them of water, 
whether in war or peace ; to punish any city that violated 
these laws ; to protect the worship of the god, and the safety 
of his sanctuary, to the utmost of their power." In the 
course of the following history we shall find these principles 
regarded even in the fiercest domestic wars, and shall see 
that though the national festivals and national councils could 
not prevent disunion, they still hindered the Greeks from 
forgetting, in the midst of discord, that they were all brethren 
of the same race. 

14. If we contrast the wars of the Romans in Italy with 
the Peloponnesian wars, we shall see more clearly the effect 
of these feelings. Rome increased not merely by the con- 
quest, but by the destruction of the neighbouring cities ; 
cruelty to the vanquished was in Italy the rule, and in 
Greece the exception. "I cannot refuse quarter when I 
hear it asked in my native tongue," was the expression of a 
Swiss soldier in the thirty years' war. It was a natural 
feeling, but it was one that must have been peculiarly influ- 
ential on a Greek, whom every public institution tended to 
inspire with national pride and national affection. 



Questions for Examination. 

1 . Which were the principal public games 1 

2. When did they rise into importance ? 

3. By whom were the Olympic games instituted 1 

1. How long was the computation by Olympiads used 1 

5. What were the exercises practised at these games 1 

6. How did the Pythian games differ from the Olympic 1 

7. Why were the Nemean games instituted 1 

8. What is said to have been the origin of the Isthmian games'? 

9. Did the crowns given at these games differ 1 

10. Is there any remarkable difference between the Grecian games and 

the tournaments of the middle ages ? 

11. What was necessary to constitute an Amphictyonic council? 

12. Why had the Amphictyons but little political influence] 

13. What beneficial effects followed from the institution of such 

councils ? 

14. How did they lessen the horrors of war 1 



48 INTRODUCTION. 

CHAPTER VI. 

GENERAL CONSTITUTION OF THE GRECIAN STATES. 

The love of liberty with life is given, 

And life itself the inferior gift of heaven. — Dry den. 

1. Though there was a great diversity in the forms of 
government that were established in the several Grecian 
states, yet there existed certain general principles, which 
prevailed in all, and which it is interesting to investigate, 
because political institutions produced more effect on the 
national character of the Greeks, than of any other people. 
The Grecian states were, with few exceptions, cities with 
their adjacent districts; hence their constitutions were those 
of cities, and had no resemblance to those of modern repub- 
lics, such as Switzerland and America, but were like what 
Venice and the Hanse-towns were in the middle ages. Like 
them, the wealth and importance of the states did not depend 
on the extent of their territories ; the dominions of Corinth, 
when at the summit of its glory, scarcely equalled in size the 
single county of Middlesex, in England. 

2. They were all free constitutions, that is, the magis- 
trates were responsible for their administration, either to 
the general body of the citizens, as at Athens, or to some 
particular class, as at Sparta. A ruler who attempted to 
acquire authority for whose exercise he should not be re- 
sponsible, was named a tyrant; and this appellation was 
given to him, even though his government was mild and 
merciful. Self-government was the general principle of all 
their constitutions, and the labours of their lawgivers con- 
sisted principally in devising practical rules for its applica- 
tion. 

3. Though it was settled that the government of the state 
belonged of right to its members, it was undetermined whe- 
ther it rested with the citizens collectively, or with certain 
classes, or even certain families. Thus arose the division 
of constitutions into aristocracies and democracies. But 
these names were not used in the strict sense. By the ancient 
Greeks, a state was considered a democracy, even though 
the poorer classes were excluded from holding office ; and 
in most of the aristocratic states the assent of the common- 
alty was necessary to the validity of a law. Aristocracy 
naturally prevailed in all the agricultural states, because 



CONSTITUTIONS OF THE GRECIAN STATES. 49 

wealth there consisted in land, rather than in money, and 
being consequently a more certain inheritance the influence 
of birth and riches were united. The nobles did not at- 
tempt to exclude the people from all share in the legislation, 
but they endeavoured to secure for themselves the offices of 
state and the administration of justice. On the contrary, 
in the popular states there were no offices to which a citi 
zen might not hope to arrive, and the judicial authority 
belonged to the great body of the people. But the forms 
and applications of these principles varied in the several 
states, and at different times in the same state, so that it is 
impossible to define accurately the numberless* varieties of 
the Grecian constitutions. 

4. When the right of making laws was lodged in the 
hands of all the citizens, it is manifest that in the course of 
time the lower ranks would obtain all the real authority of 
the state ; at the same time it was difficult to limit the exer- 
cise of the privilege without depriving this class of their 
right of citizenship. The establishment of a representative 
government would have effected the desired end at once, 
but in a city where every man could reach the place of as- 
sembly in a few minutes, no such idea as representation 
could enter the mind of the legislator. Various expedients 
of more or less efficacy were adopted in different states, but 
far the most useful was the creation of a senate who should 
consider every thing which was to be proposed in the gene- 
ral assembly, and withhold any matter which they deemed 
unfit to be laid before the people. In Athens the members 
of the senate, or council of five hundred, were elected an- 
nually ; in other cities, such as Sparta and Corinth, the sena- 
tors, or elders as they were named, were chosen for life. 

5. The magistrates of the Grecian republics agreed only 
m being all responsible! for their administration ; in every 
other respect the regulations were as varied and numerous 
as the states. The number of the magistrates, the duration 
and extent of their authority, the qualifications of the elec- 
tors and elected, were subject to constant changes, and their 
determination gave rise to innumerable civil commotions. 

6. From this rapid sketch, it is pretty evident that all the 
Greek constitutions must have failed in one great end of 

* Aristotle enumerated no less than two hundred and fifty-five. 
| The Greeks expressed this by the word vrtvQwot, which signifies 
•subject to render an account. 

E 



50 INTRODUCTION. 

government — the providing for the security of person and 
property: the nobles oppressed the poor, and the poor plun- 
dered the nobles. Revolutions were of frequent occurrence ; 
and there was no opportunity of enjoying that domestic 
tranquillity, which, after all, forms the true happiness of a 
nation. These very troubles, however, were favourable to 
the developement of mental energy, and stimulated into action 
powers that would have otherwise lain dormant. But it is 
very doubtful whether such advantages were not too dearly 
purchased. A cunning demagogue will sometimes triumph 
over the wisest statesman: the wretched Cle'on enjoyed as 
much authority at Athens as ever was possessed by the 
illustrious Per'icles. 

7. It may not be amiss to take some notice of the state 
of the productive arts and the finances in ancient Greece — 
objects that form so important a part of modern politics, but 
which were comparatively neglected by ancient statesmen. 
From what has been said above, it appears that the private 
existence of the citizens was subordinate to that of the pub- 
lic; or in other words, that the Greeks paid more attention 
to affairs of state than to their domestic concerns. This, of 
course, acted as a check to national industry ; it produced 
patriotism, or at least party-zeal, but it diverted men from 
the quiet pursuits of trade and commerce. 8. There was 
another and stronger cause why the Greeks contemned the 
mechanic arts in general, and stigmatized many of them as 
degrading. This was the institution of slavery which pre- 
vailed in all the states. All the more laborious parts of trade 
and manufacture were performed by the slaves ; and many 
persons derived a considerable profit from hiring them out 
in gangs. In the agricultural states, where slaves are uni- 
formly worse treated than in commercial communities, these 
unfortunate beings performed all the labours of cultivation. 
We even find that the overseers were in most instances 
selected from the same class ; and that to attend to the affairs 
of the state was considered the only thing fit to engage the 
attention of freemen. 9. The unavoidable consequence 
was, that the mechanic arts were deemed mean and base ; 
iudustry was in some degree proscribed, not merely by pre- 
vailing prejudices, but by the laws themselves; for, in some 
states, retail traders were by an express law declared ineli- 
gible to any public office. This, consequently, tended to 
prevent in Greece the formation of a middle class — the most 
valuable in civil society, not merely because it forms a 



CONSTITUTIONS OF THE GRECIAN STATES. 51 

connecting link between the higher and lower classes, but 
because people in that condition are always the most inte- 
rested in the preservation of public tranquillity, as they have 
every thing to lose, and nothing to gain, by a change. 

10. In the commercial states, such as Athens and Corinth, 
this evil was not felt so sensibly as in the agricultural com- 
munities. The landed proprietors everywhere looked on 
trade and commerce as degrading pursuits ; and the land- 
owner who sold in market the produce of his own lands, 
despised the merchant who sold in the same market the 
same commodities imported from another country. We 
shall see, in the course of this history, how frequently the 
commercial and agricultural interests came into collision. 
11. By rather a strange coincidence, their jealousy was 
identified with the hostility that ever existed between those 
of Ionic and Doric descent; for the lovers of commerce were 
attached to democracy, of which Athens, the head of the 
Ionian states, was the patroness ; while the landholders, who 
were naturally attached to an aristocratic form of govern- 
ment, favoured the Spartan form of government, and conse- 
quently the Spartan cause, as that state preserved the almost 
feudal system of their Doric ancestors. 

12. It is not easy to form an accurate view of the Grecian 
system of finance, principally because that did not, until a 
late period, form an important part of their political manage- 
ment. While the magistrates and soldiers were unpaid, and 
the sacred lands and voluntary offerings sufficed to support 
the temples, there would have been no necessity for taxa- 
tion. But when a lavish expenditure in splendid edifices 
and magnificent shows became frequent, when the state was 
compelled to pay her soldiers and sailors, a great change 
took place, and it became a matter of importance to disco- 
ver means for defraying the public expenses. 13. This was 
a case for which the legislators had not provided, and it 
became a fruitful source of vexatious oppressions, frauds, 
and discontents. The want of a productive or manufactur- 
ing population prevented the taxes on articles of trade from 
becoming of any great value; the burdens of the state were 
consequently thrown directly on the rich; and so frequent 
were the calls made on them, that Isoc'rates declares, "it 
would be better to be poor than rich in Athens." 14. Two 
laws will be sufficient to show that the Athenian populace 
took good care of themselves, and were very unscrupulous 
in demanding the property of the higher ranks. The first 



52 INTRODUCTION. 

was the law about the public shows. The public fund des- 
tined to provide for the defence of Athens, was applied by 
a law of Eubu'lus to the exhibition of dramatic spectacles; 
and the punishment of death was denounced against any 
person who should propose to restore this fund to its original 
destination. The second was the law respecting trierarchs, 
or persons appointed to supply ships-of-war to the state ; a 
certain number of the rich inhabitants of each ward were 
named ministers of the public works, and obliged to furnish 
the navy entirely at their own expense ; but if any of them 
could point out a man richer than himself, he escaped the 
burden, and the more wealthy was appointed in his room. 
If any dispute arose respecting their relative wealth, the per- 
son first appointed had a right to propose an entire exchange 
of property, to which the other should either consent or take 
his place as a trier arch. It is easy to see that this law must 
have opened a way for numberless frauds and vexatious 
law-suits. 

15. In the course of the ensuing history, we shall see how 
fatally the bad system of Grecian finance operated in over- 
throwing the liberties of the country. The money of the 
Persian monarch, bestowed with a liberal hand, made the 
Spartans victorious in the second Peloponnesian war, and 
procured the ruin of Athens. Bribes from the same quarter 
enabled the Thebans to overturn the supremacy of Sparta; 
and finally, it was by a judicious management of his re- 
sources, that Philip was enabled finally to triumph over the 
extravagant and impoverished Athenians. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. In what important particular did the Greek republics differ from 

those of America and Switzerland? 

2. What was esteemed by the Greeks the characteristic of a free con- 

stitution 1 

3. Whence arose the numerous varieties in the Grecian constitutions 

4. How did they attempt to remedy the evils of an universal suffrage 
*>. Were the magistrates of the several states alike in any respect 1 
3. In what end of government did all the Greek republics fail! 

7. How did the constitutions of the Greek states check the progress of 

national industry 1 

8. What other cause prevented the cultivation of the productive arts ? 

9. How did the institution of slavery operate 1 

10. What brought the agricultural and commercial classes into a 

lision 1 

11. By what circumstance did this dispute assume a national form ? 



ARMY AND NAVY. 53 

12. Why is it difficult to determine the nature of the Grecian finances ? 

13. What evil resulted when taxation became necessary? 

14. Are there any laws that prove the pressure of taxation to have been 

unequal at Athens ? 

15. Did the bad system of Grecian finance prove injurious to public 

liberty ? 



CHAPTER VII. 



THE ARMY AND NAVY. 



- See her generous troops, 



Whose pay was glory, and their best reward 

Free for their country and for me to die, 

Ere mercenary murder grew a trade. — Thomson's Liberty. 

1. The poets who have described the wars waged in the 
heroic ages of Greece, do not afford us much information 
respecting the materials of which the ancient armies were 
composed, the mode in which provision was made for their 
support, or the rules of discipline to which they were sub- 
jected. It would seem from Homer that the princes who 
fought at Troy, like the feudal lords of the middle ages, led 
their vassals to the field, and held command only over their 
own subjects ; that the class of nobles constituted the chief 
strength of the army, and that their inferiors formed a body 
of irregular infantry which took no conspicuous share in an 
engagement. The noble warriors usually fought in chariots, 
each of which contained a servant to drive and a noble to 
fight. The connection between the charioteer and the war- 
rior resembled that which subsisted between the knight and 
his esquire ; the driver was regarded as the friend rather 
than the servant of the noble he accompanied, and was fre- 
quently not his inferior in birth or bravery. A battle at this 
period was little more than a series of single combats, and 
was consequently decided more by the courage of individuals 
than the skill of the leader. The substitution of cavalry for 
chariots took place at a period of which we have no record, 
but this change was of less importance than the formation of 
a body of heavy-armed infantry, which at once changed the 
entire art of war. This improvement was effected by the 
Dorians, who were also perhaps the first inventors of the 
phalanx ; but after this change the military art, notwithstand- 
ing the frequency of wars, became stationary, and no great 
leader seems to have directed his attention to the best mode 
e 2 



54 INTRODUCTION. 

of placing and manoeuvring an army before Epaminon'das in 
the third Peloponnesian war. The principal reason of this 
was, that the soldiers of the different Grecian states were 
chiefly a militia, called out on any sudden emergency, serv- 
ing gratuitously during the campaign, and then returning to 
their ordinary occupations. 2. Every citizen was liable to 
be called on to serve in war, unless the state made some par- 
ticular exceptions. The military age in Athens began at the 
eighteenth, and ended at the fifty-eighth year, and it seems 
probable that the same regulation existed in the other Grecian 
states. 3. From the nature of a militia, it is manifest that it 
would be impossible to assemble large armies ; not more than 
ten thousand Athenians fought at Marathon ; and though the 
union of all the states enabled them to bring a larger army 
into the field at Platsese, that was probably the first occasion, 
before the introduction of mercenary troops, on which an 
army of thirty thousand Greeks were assembled in one place. 

4. After the battle of Plataeae, the war with the Persians 
continued to be carried on principally by sea, and therefore 
no opportunity was afforded for the improvement of military 
science; the art of besieging was, however, cultivated by 
Ci'mon, though no important improvement appears to have 
been effected. 

5. The two Peloponne'sian wars between Ath'ens and 
Sparta would seem at first to have afforded opportunities for 
advancing the art of war ; but on looking to the history, we 
shall find that sieges constituted the principal military opera- 
tions, and that all the battles of importance were fought at 
sea. Besides, the two principal states engaged in the war 
were not likely to advance the military art ; Sparta was fet- 
tered down by being compelled to adhere undeviatingly to 
ancient maxims : and Ath'ens, whose wealth depended on 
her' commerce, and whose strength consisted in her naval 
auxiliaries, was naturally disinclined to attempt any military 
enterprise. 

6. There were other obstacles, arising from the republican 
constitution of the Grecian states ; the command was shared 
by several generals, and the unpaid citizens were so much 
on an equality with their leaders, that it was always difficult 
to enforce obedience. 7. To this must be added, the defi- 
ciency of cavalry ; Attica and the Peloponne'sus were unfa- 
vourable for pasture ; Athens had only about a thousand 
horse, and Sparta before the age of Agesilaus scarcely any. 



ARMY AND NAVY. 55 

Thessaly, indeed, was always celebrated for its horsemen, 
but that country soon ceased to possess any political impor- 
tance. 

8. A native militia, fighting for their hearths and altars, 
presents a formidable obstacle to an invader, but ceases to 
be of value beyond the limits of its own country. When 
the Persians were driven from Greece, no attempt was made 
to follow them into Asia and anticipate the exploits of Alex- 
ander. 

9. In commercial countries, military service is most sen- 
sibly felt as a hardship : the rich merchant, unwilling to 
leave his gains, hires a substitute ; his example is soon fol- 
lowed by others, and in a short time, the army of the state 
is entirely made up of the poorer order of citizens. It soon 
becomes necessary to grant them a small allowance for their 
support, and thus the militia is converted into a mercenary 
army. This change took place in Athens during the admi- 
nistration of Pericles, and in Corinth at a still earlier period. 
10. Foreign troops were occasionally hired in the first Pelo- 
ponnesian war, but their use became general in the second 
and third ; hence arose a new and numerous class, whose 
profession was war, and who sold their services to the high- 
est bidder.* The facility with which the younger Cyrus 
collected an army of ten thousand Greeks to aid him in his 
iniquitous expedition against his brother, shows us how nu- 
merous these mercenary bands had become, and how little 
they regarded the justice of a cause, in comparison with the 
goodness of their pay. 

11. We have already said, that little regard was paid to 
military evolutions, before the time of Epaminon'das. The 
Greeks drew out their armies in line, and fought man to 
man : thus numbers, or personal courage decided the day, 
leaving little opportunity for the exercise of skill. Epam- 
mondas saw clearly that an adherence to these old customs 
would be his ruin ; the Spartans were more numerous and 
better soldiers than the Thebans, and if they fought in line, 
the fate of the day could not be doubtful. He therefore 
adopted a new plan ; concentrating his forces, he suddenly 
pushed forward against one wing of the Spartan army, which 
was irretrievably ruined, before the other divisions could 
come to its assistance. 12. At Leuc'tra the Theban cavalry 
in a great measure decided the fate of the day, but Mantinei'a 
* See Chapter X. 



56 INTRODUCTION. 

was won entirely by the generalship of Epaminondas. He 
pushed forward the best of his troops in a solid mass against 
the long files of the Spartans, broke their line at once, and 
overwhelmed them in detail. Philip of Macedon was the 
prisoner and pupil of the The'ban general ; he transmitted 
his lessons to Alexander, and by judiciously availing himself 
of these instructions, the Macedonian hero overthrew the an- 
cient empire of Persia. 

13. From a very early period, the navy was looked upon 
by the Greeks as of greater importance than the army ; but 
there were many circumstances which prevented them from 
making any great improvement either in the arts of naviga- 
tion, or naval warfare. Their expeditions were confined to 
the iEge'ian and Io'nian seas, where the numerous islands 
afforded so many ports and landing-places, that there was 
not much need of skill : the materials for ship-building did 
not abound in Greece, but were obliged to be brought at a 
great expense from abroad ; finally, the manning of the fleet 
was a matter of very great difficulty. 

14. Two descriptions of men, marines and sailors, were 
employed : the former were originally part of the unpaid 
militia, the latter were slaves or foreigners. The same 
causes that led to a change in the constitution of the army, 
produced the same effect in the navy, and the pay of the 
fleet became soon one of the most difficult parts of Grecian 
finance. The Spartans were utterly unable to maintain a 
fleet until they were aided by subsidies from Persia. 

15. The Greeks early made a distinction between mer- 
chant-vessels and ships of war. The former were built wide 
and deep, the latter, usually called long, were sharp and nar- 
row, with the rowers sitting in one line. The shape of the 
vessels and the number of rowers, which soon rose from 
twenty to fifty, made the ships of war very swift sailers. The 
invention of triremes, by the Corinthians, was the first great 
improvement made by the Greeks in the art of shipbuilding ; 
these vessels having three tiers of oars, rising one above the 
other, required more strength in their construction than the 
long galleys ; but the additional expense prevented them for 
a long time from coming into general use. In the Persian 
war, no states but the Syracu'sans and Corinthians had en- 
tire fleets consisting of triremes. 

16. In naval tactics, the Greeks seem to have improved very 



ARMY AND NAVY. 57 

slowly.* The battles of Artemisi'um and Sal'amis were won 
more by the advantageous position of the Grecian fleet, than 
by any skilful evolutions ; in the other sea-fights, the Persians 
were beaten so easily, that no opportunity was afforded for 
exhibiting the prudence or adroitness of the commanders. 
The victory obtained at Arginu'ssef by the Athenians, in the 
second Peloponnesian war, was, however, entirely owing to 
the skill of the admirals ; they had their vessels drawn up in 
double lines, and were thus enabled to break through the 
long single line of the Spartans. The bravery of Callicrat'- 
idas for a time kept the fortune of the day in doubt, but skill 
eventually triumphed over valour. 

17. It was not until the wars between the Romans and 
Carthaginians, that the naval tactics of the ancients assumed 
a regular form ; but in judging of them, we must bear in 
mind two important particulars, in which they differ from 
those of modern times. First, as the triremes and long ves- 
sels Ave re principally impelled by oars, less depended on the 
wind than in recent sea-fights ; and secondly, as the weapons 
of the combatants were only fit for close action, the vessels 
soon ran alongside each other without affording any oppor- 
tunity for complicated manoeuvres. But though the naval 
tactics of the moderns are more difficult and intricate, w T e 
must not suppose that the ancient sea-fights were trivial or 
insignificant. They decided the event of a war frequently 
by one engagement, and if the loss of life be taken into ac- 
count, we shall find that in ancient times, a battle by sea was 
three times more destructive than any that has taken place 
since the invention of gunpowder. 

18. The trierarchy or system of equipping fleets at Athens 
has been already slightly mentioned (p. 54) ; it will be ne- 
cessary, however, to add something more on a subject of 
such importance. The Athenian trierarch generally received 
his ship from the state, and at times ready equipped ; there 
were indeed some instances in which the profits of the silver 
mines were distributed among a number of rich men to build 
and equip vessels for the state ; but the more ordinary course 
was to provide the ship before the trierarch was appointed. 
The trierarch supplied pay and provision lo the crew, but he 
received a sum of money from the public treasury for the 
purpose. If that sum was sufficient to cover his expenses, 
there would have been no hardship in being forced to execute 

* See history, Chap. V. f Ibid, Chap. X, 



58 INTRODUCTION. 

the office ; but this was rarely the case, and the trierarchy 
was justly regarded as the severest public duty that could be 
imposed in Athens. 

19. It may well excite our surprise, that under such cir- 
cumstances, the trierarch was as rigidly compelled to give 
an account of his proceedings as any other magistrate ; but 
we must remember that the ship belonged to the state, and 
that the trierarchy was an imposition in the nature both of a 
tax and a public duty ; the popular government therefore 
claimed the right of ascertaining whether the tax had been 
paid in full, and the required duty effectively performed. 
While in office the trierarch was exempted from all ordinary 
taxes. 

20. From what has been said, it is evident that the trier- 
archy, though very expensive, was not necessarily oppressive, 
if all the regulations connected with it were fairly arranged ; 
though on the other hand, no tax was more intolerable, if the 
burdens were unequally imposed and unfairly distributed. 
It not unfrequently happened that trierarchs, either from am- 
bition or patriotism, impoverished themselves and corrupted 
the people by lavish expenditure. 21. In a later age some 
efforts were made to remedy these evils by the institution of 
syntrier archies, that is, imposing the expense of the trierarchy 
on two or more individuals ; in such instances the joint tri- 
erarchs took the command of the ship in turn, but they were 
collectively responsible to the people for the safety of the ves- 
sel, and the performance of the duty required. 



Questions for Examination. 



1. What was the usual composition of a Grecian army? 

2. How long did liability to military service continue? 

3. Why was the ancient form of armies a hindrance to the improvement of military 

science ? 

4. D[d the Persian war make any change? 

5. Why were no improvements introduced in the two Peloponnesian wars? 

6. Did the republican constitution offer any impediment ? 

7. In what species of force were the Greeks deficient? 

8. When is a militia formidable ? 

9. Where does a militia first disappear ? 

10. What evil arose in Greece from the use of mercenary troops ? 

11. T)id Epaminondas introduce any improvement in tactics? 

12. Where was the efficacy of (his change proved ? 

13. Why did the Greeks make but little improvement in the art of navigation? 

14. ilow was the Grecian navy manned ? 

15. What description of vessels did the Greeks use ? 

16. Were any victories won by the superior tactics of the Greeks? 

17. How did ancient naval battles differ from those of modern times? 

18. What was the trierarchy ? 

19. Why were the trierarchs responsible? 

20. What rendered the trierarchy oppressive? 

21. What was the syntrierarchy ? 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



CHAPTER I. 



FROM THE FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES TO THE ABOLITION OF 
ROYALTY IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 

Land of the brave and free, whose fame sublime 
Still beams resplendent through the clouds of time, 
Birthplace of science, freedom's noblest shrine. 
Cradle of art ; hail Greece, revered, divine ! — Anon. 

1. The early traditions of Greece agree with the sacred 
Scriptures in representing the south-eastern extremity of 
Europe as peopled at an earlier period than the other por- 
tions of the western world. Like the continent of Americ? 
when first discovered by the Europeans, we find that in its 
early ages, Greece was inhabited by numerous tribes of 
hunters and shepherds, among whom the most remarkable 
were the Pelas'gi and Helle'nes. 2. The Pelas'gi were the 
more ancient and barbarous people ; yet they were not to- 
tally destitute of civilization, since they founded Argos and 
Sicyon, the most ancient states of Greece, about eighteen 
centuries before the Christian era. They are also supposed 
to have erected those ancient buildings, remnants of which 
are still found in Greece and the islands, which from their 
rude and massive style of architecture, are named cyclopic. 
3. I'nachus, who was nearly contemporary with Abraham, 
is the first great Pelasgic leader mentioned in history, but it 
is not easy to discover whether he was a native of Greece 
or a foreigner ; his having formed a settlement on the sea- 
coast, and given his name to a river, renders the latter the 
more probable conjecture. 4. During two centuries the 
Pelas'gi maintained their pre-eminence in southern Greece, 
and extended their dominions northwards as far as Thes'- 
saly, where they first came into collision with their Hellenic 
rivals. 5. The Helle'nes, as they were subsequently called, 
from Hellen, the son of Deuca'lion, first made their appear- 
ance in Pho'cis near the foot of mount Parnassus. Being 

59 



60 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

driven from thence by a flood, whose history has been mixed 
up with the traditions of the Universal Deluge, they migrated 
into Thessaly, from whence they expelled the Pelas'gi. In 
the middle of the sixteenth century before Christ, they 
descended southwards, and driving the former inhabitants 
every where before them, eventually became masters of the 
greater part of Greece. 6. The more ancient race retained 
possession only of Arca'dia, and that part of Epi'rus near 
Dodo'na ; the remaining Pelas'gi either united themselves 
to the victorious tribes, or removed to Italy, Crete, and 
some of the islands. For several centuries after, the rem- 
nant of the Pelasgic race might be distinguished in these 
countries by their rude dialect and barbarous manners, so 
unlike the language and customs of their more polished 
neighbours. 

7. It appears from their own traditions that the Hellenic 
tribes were at least as barbarous as the Pelasgic at the time 
of their migration, but they seem to have possessed greater 
capacity for receiving improvements. To strangers, accord- 
ing to their own acknowledgement, the Helle'nes were in- 
debted for the first elements of civilization ; but they 
stamped with their own character all that they borrowed, so 
that it is scarcely possible to distinguish the imported insti- 
tutions from those that were the original property of the na- 
tion. The power of making the institutions of foreigners 
their own was one of the chief elements of Hellenic great- 
ness ; and when combined with an ardent desire of know- 
ledge, a devoted attachment to home, and an affectionate 
regard for the religious institutions of their nation, it soon 
enabled the Helle'nes to outstrip their teachers. 8. This 
powerful tribe subdivided itself into four great branches, de- 
riving their names from Deuca'lion's immediate posterity ; 
they were the iEo'lians, Io'nians, Do'rians, and Achae'ans.* 

* The derivation of the tribes will be better understood by an inspec- 
tion of the following Genealogical Table. 
Deucalion. 

Hellen, (Hellenes.) 

„ A 

i n 

(-(Eolians.) 



Dortjs, (Dorians.) Xuthers. tt* 



Achjbus, (Achacans.) Ioy, (Ionian*.) 



FABULOUS A.\D HEROIC AGES. 61 

These four tribes did not include all the slender ramifications 
of the nation ; but they mark with sufficient accuracy the 
great divisions of the Grecian people, which continued after- 
wards to be distinguished by many peculiarities of language, 
speech, and political government. 9. Besides these original 
inhabitants, colonies at the same early period came into 
Greece from the more civilized countries, E'gypt, Phoeni'cia, 
and My'sia. Of these, the most remarkable were the colony 
of Ce'crops from Sa'is in Egypt, who settled in Attica ; 
Dan'aus and his companions, likewise from Egypt, who 
were received into Ar'gos ; a Phoenician colony guided by 
Cad'mus, who founded Thebes ; and at a later time, a small 
band of My'sians, whose leader Pe'lops arrived at such power 
in his new country, that he gave his name to the peninsula 
of southern Greece, and became the ancestor of a race of 
kings, who for a time possessed all the thrones of the Pelo- 
ponnesus. 10. These successive colonies introduced into 
Greece the first elements of civilization, such as a knowledge 
of the uses of metals, the Phoenician alphabet, and the art 
of agriculture; by this means the wandering hunters and 
shepherds were brought to unite in villages, and their foreign 
visiters being thus placed in contact with the original inhabi- 
tants, acquired their language and customs, and soon melted 
away into the general mass. 11. But the new colonies did 
not alter the distinction between the great branches of the 
Hellenic family ; the iEolians took possession of western 
Greece and the principality of Elis in the Peloponne'sus ; the 
Do'rians colonized Macedon and Crete, and made the moun- 
tainous district Doris the chief residence of their tribe; the 
Io'nians, whose name was afterwards almost lost in the illus- 
trious appellation of Athenians, possessed Attica ; and the 
Achse'ans were masters of Ar'golis and Laco'nia. 

12. Although Greece was thus divided into a number of 
small states united by no common bond, a national spirit 
and a certain brotherly feeling pervaded all the families of 
the Hellenic race.* These were partly produced by the 
institution of national festivals, at which all the Hellenes 
and none others were permitted to attend ; the chief of these 
were the games celebrated at the end. of every four years in 
honour of Jupiter at Olym'pia, a city of E'lis. But the unity 
of the detached nations of the Greeks was principally owing 
to the celebrated Amphictyon'ic council which met twice 

* Sec Introduction, Chapter V. 
F 



62 HISTORY OF GREECE. 




Olympian Games. 

every year, either at Del'phi or Thermop'ylse, both for poli- 
tical and religious purposes. 13. This species qf national 
congress appears to have originated in a federative union of 
the Thessalian princes to protect their dominions from the 
ravages of the barbarous Thracians ; the southern states 
perceiving the advantages that flowed from this alliance, 
sought and obtained a participation in its benefits, and thus a 
bond of union was established for the several Grecian states. 
As the responses of the Delphic oracle were received as au- 
thoritative declarations of the divine will by all the states, its 
conservation became an object of national concern, and was 
therefore intrusted to the annual assembly. 14. Amphic'- 
tyon, a descendant of Deuca'lion, drew up the code of laws 
by which the council was regulated, and in consequence it 
was called after his name. 

15. In the mean time, the chivalrous spirit of the nation 
was gradually aroused ; the heroic emulation excited by the 
national games was prevented from displaying itself in civil 
slaughter, by the feeling of union which the Amphictyonic 
council inspired ; and the chieftains sought for fame by en- 
terprises that conducted them beyond the land of their fore- 
b. c. ) fathers. The iirst expedition undertaken by the 
1250. $ Grecian princes in conjunction was the Argonau'- 
tic, under the guidance of Ja'son, a Thessalian chieftain. 
16. It is not easy to discover the precise objects of this ar- 
mament, amid the cloud of fables with which the poets have 
enveloped the subject; but the results are easily discovered, 
in the rapid improvement of commerce and navigation which 
followed the successful return of the Argo'nauts. Hitherto 



FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES. 63 

Thessaly appears to have been the most powerful and flour- 
ishing part of Greece, for its superior fertility secured pre- 
eminence while all the states remained agricultural ; but from 
this time forward the southern states began to take the lead, 
their favourable situations for trade compensating for the de- 
ficiencies of the soil, until al length the name of Thessaly 
disappears from the pages of history. 

17. The domestic calamities of (E'dipus, king of Thebes, 
and the unhappy war between his sons, again united the 

b.c. > Grecian states in a military enterprize. Many of 
1225. $ the circumstances recorded respecting this war are 
purely historical, but they are mingled with others either 
invented by the poetic narrators, or perverted by corrupt tra- 
ditions. The simple outline of the narrative contains nothing 
improbable. CE'dipus, king of Thebes, unwittingly was 
guilty of a great crime ; accident revealed to him the fatal 
secret, and he resolved to expiate his guilt by the resignation 
of his crown. Ete'ocles and Polyni'ces, the sons of the abdi- 
cated monarch, agreed to share the abdicated throne, and 
reign alternately each a year in his turn. Ete'ocles, how- 
ever, when his year expired, refused to resign his power, and 
Polyni'ces applied for aid to his father-in-law, Adras'tus, king 
of Argos, through whose influence he was enabled to raise a 
large army in Southern Greece. Seven chieftains headed 
the forces that marched against Thebes ; they encountered a 
vigorous resistance ; the rival brothers fell by mutual wounds, 
and the confederate princes were routed with great slaughter. 
Ten years later the sons of the seven chieftains, generally 
called the Epig'oni, renewed the attempt and captured Thebes. 

b. c. } In consequence of these disasters, the Theban power 
1215. $ was for a long succession of ages almost annihi- 
lated, and its name was odious in every part of Greece. 

18. The Argonaut'ic expedition, and the two Theban 
wars, prepared the minds of the people for a great national 
undertaking of all the combined Hellenic races ; and that 
object was attained in the war against Troy. The poems of 
Homer furnish us with a pretty accurate picture of the poli- 
tical state of Greece at the time when that celebrated enter- 
prize was undertaken. 19. Sparta and Myce'nge* appear 
to have been the most powerful states ; they were both go- 
verned by princes of the Pelopid race, which had just arrived 
at the height of its power. The different tribes were ruled 

* The seat of government was transferred from Argos to Mycenee 
by Perseus, after he had accidentally slain his grandfather Acris'ius. 



64 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 




by hereditary chieftains, who combined the offices of leader 
in war and judge in peace : but the authority possessed by 
the rulers does not appear to have been despotic, and was 
more or less extended in proportion to their qualifications, 
particularly their valour in battle. The people dwelt in 
cities, but still were chiefly employed in cultivating the land 
and tending cattle ; commerce, however, had not been neg- 
lected, and the art of navigation was rapidly advancing, es- 
pecially among the Greeks on the eastern coast. 

20. The history of the Trojan war is wholly mythological, 
that is, the real events are so disguised by fiction that we 
can scarcely say of any circumstance in the narrative that it 
deserves to be credited as a historical fact. We are told that 
b. c. > Helen, the daughter of the king of Sparta, was a 
1174. $ lady of such surpassing beauty that all the Grecian 
princes sought her in marriage. The rivals bound them- 
selves by an oath to allow her a free choice, and to defend 
the rights of her chosen husband. Helen selected Menela'us 
as her spouse, and shared with him the throne of Sparta. 
They had lived for some time happily together, when their 
court was visited by Paris, a Phrygian prince, whose father 
was king of Troy, a city on the Asiatic coast of the Helles- 
pont. The Phrygians appear to have been a race closely 
connected in their origin with the Pelas'gi and Helle'nes, and 
the tradition of ancient animosities between the tribes appears 
at least very probable. Paris carried off the beautiful Hel'en 
as an act of retaliation for some similar outrage perpetrated 
by a Hellenic leader, and Menela'us summoned his former 
rivals to aid him in obtaining satisfaction for the injury. 

When the suitors of Hel'en were summoned to fulfil the 



FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES. 65 

oath they had taken to secure her possession to the husband 
of her choice, they selected as their leader Agamemnon, 
king of Myce'nse, not merely because he was brother of the 
injured Menela'us, but because the Argive kingdom was at 
that time superior to all the others. 21. After a protracted 
siege of ten years Troy fell, but the captors had no great 
reason to rejoice in their success : some of their bravest war- 
riors had fallen in the contest, others perished in the voyage 
home ; the greater part of the remainder found at their return 
strangers in possession of their thrones, and either fell beneath 
the daggers of the usurpers, or were compelled to seek new 
homes in a foreign land. But to Greece in general, this war 
produced at least one beneficial result ; it kindled one com- 
mon national spirit — a spirit, which, in spite of feuds and dis- 
sensions, was never wholly extinguished. From the time 
of the Trojan war downwards, the Helle'nes looked upon 
themselves always as constituting one people. It has indeed 
been sometimes disputed whether the Trojan war was a real 
or fabulous event, and several authors have asserted that no 
such place as Troy ever existed. It is undeniable, indeed, 
that the whole narrative of the war is so disguised by fable, 
as to render it difficult to assert any one of the incidents as a 
historical fact, or even to declare one part of the history more 
probable than another; but the uniform belief in the outline 
of the story, and its accordance with the national traditions 
not only of Greece, but of Italy, are evidences that must not 
lightly be set aside. Travellers assert, that notwithstanding 
" the changes of realm and chances of time" which have 
passed over this portion of western Asia, many of the locali- 
ties described by Homer in the Iliad may yet be identified ; 
and it is undeniable that in the Troad, or plain where Troy- 
is supposed to have stood, are to be found baj-rotvs, or im- 
mense mounds of earth, raised as tombs over the heroes that 
fell in the war. One of these barrows or tombs, is that of 
A'jax Tel'amon, one of the bravest of the Grecian leaders, 
who slew himself because his claims to the armour of Achil'- 
les were rejected by the council of the chiefs. 

22. The period immediately succeeding this memorable 
expedition was very stormy, in consequence of the many 
disorders in the ruling families, more especially in that of 
Pe'lops. But still greater commotions were produced by the 
efforts of the Heraclei'dse, or descendants of Her'cules, to re- 
gain their hereditary possessions in the Peloponnesus. 23. 
It is a common characteristic of mythological history to find 
f 2 



66 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the actions of a tribe assigned to an individual, and we can 
scarcely doubt that many of the Doric traditions respecting 
Hercules are founded on real events in the early history of 
the Doric nation. Whether such a person as the hero ever 
existed, is a matter into which we need not inquire : it is 
sufficient to know that a race, or clan, called the Heraclei'- 
dse, claiming in right of their ancestor the inheritance of the 
Peloponnesus, assembled large forces in the mountains of 
Do'ris, and eagerly watched for an opportunity of invading 
Southern Greece. The greatness of Agamem'non's power 
prevented them from making any efforts during his life, but 
after his unexpected disasters, they made two unsuccessful 
b. c. > attempts to break through the Corinthian isthmus. 
1104. $ 24. Warned by past misfortunes, the descendants 
of Her'cules, in the fifth degree, resolved to make their next 
attempt by sea, and prepared a large armament at Naupac'- 
tus (Lepanto)) a convenient sea-port on the Corinthian gulf. 
They were aided by large bodies of Do'rians and jEto'lians, 
who were eager to exchange their own barren mountains for 
the fertile vales of the Peloponne'sus. 25. The invaders 
were everywhere successful, and the family of Pelops became 
as remarkable for their calamities, as they had previously 
been for their good fortune.* If there was any foundation 
for the horrible crimes with which this family has been 
charged by the poets, they merited the destruction by which 
they were overtaken. 26. The consequence of this success- 
ful invasion was an entire revolution in southern Greece. 
The territories of Argos, Sparta, Messe'ne, and Corinth, were 
wrested from the Achas'ans, who had hitherto inhabited them, 
and became Do'rian ; Elis fell to the share of the ^Eto'lians ; 
and the expelled Achse'ans in their turn drove out the Ionians, 
who had settled in the north of the peninsula, and gave the 
name of Achai'a to that part of the country. The fugitive 
lo'nians were hospitably received by their ancient kinsmen 
the Athenians, and a war broke out between that people and 
the Heraclei'dse, which terminated to the advantage of the 
former, in consequence of the patriotic self-devotion of Co'- 
drus, the Athenian king. 

27. The number of persons whom this great revolution 
had deprived of their homes, led to the foundation of the 
Greek colonies in Asia Minor. The JEolians were the first 
who migrated across the iEge'an sea ; they settled on tho 

* Let the reader consult the classical dictionary for the lives of Tan- 
talus, Atreus, Thyestes, .^Egisthus, and Orestes. 



FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES. 67 

coasts of Mys'ia and Phry'gia, which had formed part of the 
ancient kingdom of Priam, and they also occupied the islands 
of Lesbos, Ten'edos, and the Hecatonne'si. The Io'nians 
several years after imitated their example. They sailed from 
Attica, accompanied by several Bceo'tians and Euboe'ans, 
and seizing on the coast of Lyd'ia, founded several cities, 
which soon attained a great height of wealth and power. 
Finally, the Do'rians, either from restlessness of disposition, 
or too rapid an increase of population, sent colonies to the 
south of Ca'ria, and gave the name of Do'ris to a peninsula 
in that province. 

28. During the two centuries that succeeded these great 
changes, the Asiatic Greeks rapidly increased both in wealth 
and intelligence, but in the parent state civilization appears 
to have retrograded. Yet in this interval, the foundation was 
laid of that constitution of things which afterwards existed in 
Greece. In all the states except Epi'rus, hereditary royalty 
was abolished, and a republican form of government adopted, 
which impressed on the minds of the people that love of poli- 
tical freedom, which formed the principal feature in their na- 
tional character. In this new order of things, each city 
framed a constitution for itself, and hence arose as many free 
states as there were cities in the respective districts. 

29. The nature of this change deserves to be attentively 
considered, because it elucidates the fundamental principles 
of Grecian policy. The old heroic monarchies were rather 
aristocratic principalities, similar to those of the feudal ages, 
than kingdoms ; consequently the revolution by which they 
were overthrown was simply a substitution of the influence 
of wealth for the power of blood, or noble birth. But such 
a transition was rarely effected without violence ; in most 
of the Grecian states despotism succeeded the ancient aris- 
tocracies ; a wealthy commoner purchased the services of a 
band of mercenaries, seized the citadel, and made himself 
a tyrant. The despotism continued until the power of the 
old privileged class was completely broken, for thus far the 
tyrant was supported by the sympathy of the commons ; but 
when that object was effected, the dethronement of the usurper 
followed, the more readily because the narrow limits of the 
several states afforded great facilities for political revolutions. 
The frequency of the attempts to form fixed constitutions 
diffused throughout Greece a spirit of inquiry on subjects of 
government and legislation, whose beneficial effects may be 
easily traced in the codes of the early lawgivers. Although 



68 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the smallness of the states was favourable to the early de- 
velopment of freedom, it was fatal to I he permanency of any 
form of government, because the power of the state was 
placed at the disposal of a popular assembly, subject to all 
the influences of pride, caprice, and passion. It was there- 
fore an injury internally that Greece contained more states 
than countries, and that consequently there never appeared a 
necessity for entrusting legislative power to select representa- 
tives, and not to the great body of the citizens themselves. 
Some of the smaller countries, such as At'tica, Meg'aris, and 
Laco'nia, were indeed separate states, but then they depended 
each on a single city, and the capital was virtually the coun- 
try. This, however, was not the case in Arca'dia and 
Bceo'tia, where, in spite of the acknowledged ties of kindred, 
those who spoke of eech other as countrymen were frequently 
engaged in sanguinary wars. The supremacy of Thebes 
over the Boeo'tian cities was very precarious, and depended 
upon the circumstances of the period. All the events which 
regulated the future political condition of Greece occurred be- 
fore the age of certain history ; hence we are forced rather to 
infer the nature of the early revolution from subsequent cir- 
cumstances, than to explain it by a direct narrative. 

30. Even at this early age, we find that Sparta was con- 
sidered the chief of the Do'rian, and Athens of the Io'nian 
states. The history of the former, previous to the promul- 
gation of the laws of Lycur'gus, exhibits nothing but petty 
wars with the Argives and Arca'dians, and civil broils result- 
ing from the unequal division of property ; but the domestic 
changes which occurred at Athens during the same period, 
were attended with the most important results. The situation 
and peculiarities of Attica made it less exposed to the inroads 
of wandering hordes than the other portions of the country, 
and thus ensured for it that security which is essential to the 
growth of national prosperity. From the brief notices of its 
kings, we learn that Athens was peculiarly favoured with a 
series of wise and virtuous sovereigns. 31. The'seus ex- 
tended and improved the institutions which Ce'crops had 
brought from Egypt, and was in fact the founder of the Athe- 
nian constitution; Menes'theus is honourably mentioned by 
Homer as the leader of a {ree people ; and Co'drus, the last 
of their monarchs, sacrificed his life for the safety of his 
country. 32. We have already mentioned the causes that 
led to the war between the Athenians and the Heraclei'dse : 
an oracle had declared that the Athenians would prove vie- 



FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES. 



69 




The Acro-Cormthus, with modem Corinth. 

torious if their king fell in the contest ; Co'drus, when in- 
formed of the prophecy, disguised himself as a peasant, went 
into the enemy's camp, purposely insulted one of the hostile 
soldiers, and was slain. The Heraclei' dae being informed of 
the circumstance, despaired of victory, and immediately re- 
treated into their own country. 33. In compliment to his 
memory, the Athenians abolished the title of king, and their 
rulers were for the future denominated Ar'chons. The Ar'- 
chons at first held their place for life, and were selected from 
the family of Co'drus, but afterwards they were chosen every 
ten years, and at length the archonship was made annual, 
and all the citizens declared eligible to the office. 34. The 
last person that held the archonship for life was Alcmason, 
whose family was subsequently considered the leaders of the 
Athenian aristocracy. A struggle similar to that between 
the patricians and plebeians at Rome took place at Athens, 
for the possession of the supreme power, but in the latter city 
the popular cause prevailed. 

35. For the history of the other states we have but few 
materials, and the details are neither interesting nor impor- 
tant. Corinth, indeed, by its happy situation between the 
two Grecian seas, was the depot of the commerce between 
Asia, Greece, and Italy ; but it did not until a very late period 
take an active part in the affairs of Greece. Sparta, though 
opposed by Argos, Messe'ne, and Teg'ea, maintained its su- 
periority in the Peloponnesus ; and Athens having triumphed 
over the rival states of Meg'ara and ./Egi'na, was recognized 
as the principal city in central Greece. From the superior 
power of these two great states, the general history of Greece 



70 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

is intimately connected with theirs, and they consequently 
demand more attention than our limits will allow us to bestow 
on the rest. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Which were the most remarkable of the early Grecian tribes ? 

2. Did the Pelasgi found any states ? 

3. Who was their leader ? 

4. How long did they retain their superiority ? 

5. By whom were they subdued ? 

6. Did any relics of the Pelasgic race remain ? 

7. What was the character of the Hellenes ? 

8. How were they subdivided ? 

9. What colonies settled in Greece ? 

10. Did Greece derive any advantage from the new settlers? 

11. Where were the four Hellenic tribes settled ? 

12. How was a national spirit diffused through the detached portions 

of the Hellenic race ? 

13. How did the Amphictyonic council originate ? 

14. Whence did it receive its name ? 

15. In what gr.eat enterprise did the Grecian chieftains first combine ? 

16. What were the consequences of the Argonautic expedition? 

17. What calamities befel Thebes? 

18. Was any remarkable war carried on by the combined Grecian 

forces ? 

19. What was the political condition of Greece at the commencement 

of the Trojan war ? 

20. How was that war conducted? 

21. Did any important consequences result from this expedition? 

22. What great event caused remarkable commotions in Greece after 

the Trojan war ? 

23. Whither had the Heracleidse retired when banished from the Pelo- 

ponnesus ? 

24. How did they conduct the invasion ? 

25. Did the invasion succeed ? 

26. What were its consequences ? 

27. In what part of Asia Minor did the Grecian colonies settle? 

28. What political revolution took place in the Grecian states ? 

29. Can you explain the nature of this revolution? 

30. What states began to take a lead in Greece ? 

31. What kings of Athens are remarkable ? 

32. How did Codrus die ? 

33. What compliment did the Athenians pay to his memory ? 

34. Who was the last hereditary Archon ? 

35. What states were the early rivals of Athens and Sparta? 



FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES. 71 

CHAPTER II. 

OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SPARTA, AND THE LAWS OF LYCURGUS. 

SECTION I. 

For more true nobleness of soul is shown 

By him who spurns than him who gains a throne. — Barry. 

1. The Achse'ans were the first HeJlen/ic tribe that settled 
in Laco'nia ; they were at first governed by princes of the 
house of Per' seiis, but after the marriage of Menela'us and 
Helen the sovereignty was transferred to the descendants of 
Pe'lops. When the Heraclei'doe and their Dorian auxiliaries 
subdued the greater part of the Peloponne'sus, the Achse'ans 
of Laco'nia were reduced to a state of vassalage by the con- 
querors, who took the name of Spartans, and the ancient, 
proprietors of the soil became tenants to their Dorian masters. 
The vanquished Achseans were named Laconians or Perice'ci; 
they stood in the same relation to the Spartans that the Saxons 
did to the Normans in the reign of VVilliam the Conqueror : 
like the Saxons, they were treated as an inferior caste, and 
excluded from all share in the government. 2. The condi- 
tion of the Perioeci was not so severe immediately after the 
conquest as it subsequently became ; the conquered were at 
first permitted to retain the private rights of citizenship, and 
to vote in the public assemblies, but having made an unsuc- 
cessful attempt to throw off the Dorian yoke, they were de- 
prived of those privileges, and some whose resistance was 
more obstinate, were degraded to the rank of slaves under 
the name of Helots. 3. All the political institutions of Sparta 
directly tended to maintain the supremacy of the dominant 
people ; the Spartans were a nation of nobles, and to support 
such a position they were forced to be a nation of warriors. 
Their unjust ascendancy could only be maintained by the 
same military virtues, skill, courage, and discipline, by which 
it had been originally acquired ; they were therefore com- 
pelled to act like an army of occupation in a conquered 
country, and trust for their security to incessant vigilance and 
superior prowess. 

4. The monarchy of Sparta was hereditary in the family 
of the Heraclei'dse ; the sovereigns were supposed to possess 
a divine right in consequence of their heroic descent, and 
this right was recognized by a solemn compact when the 



73 HISTOKY OF GREECE. 




Lycurgus proclaiming Charilaus king. 

Dorian invasion was undertaken. 5. Two kings reigned 
with equal authority ; this extraordinary form of government 
is said to have arisen from the difficulty of distinguishing be- 
tween Eurys'thenes and Pro'cles, the twin sons of Aristode'- 
mus, the first Heracleid monarch of Sparta. The people in- 
vested both with the hereditary sovereignty, and the arrange- 
ment lasted for several centuries. The descendants of Pro'- 
cles were named Procli'dce, of whom twenty-seven sat on the 
throne of Sparta ; the second royal family was named 
A'gidae, from Agis the son and successor of Eurys'thenes ; it 
continued through a line of thirty monarchs. 

6. During the two centuries succeeding the Doric conquest, 
the Spartans were engaged in frequent wars with the Ar- 
gives, and harassed by domestic broils arising from the un- 
equal division of property ; as a remedy for these and simi- 
lar disorders, Lycurgus instituted his celebrated code of laws, 
and gave Sparta a constitution, to which the state was chiefly 
indebted for its subsequent splendour. 

7. Polydec'tes, king of Sparta, died without issue, and was 
succeeded by his brother Lycur'gus. Soon after his acces- 
sion the new monarch was informed by the queen dowager 
that she had been left pregnant, and at the same time she 
offered to murder the infant as soon as it should be born, 
provided he would marry her and admit her ipto a share of 
power. Lycur'gus feigned assent: the queen soon after was 
delivered of a boy, and the generous monarch, far from de- 
stroying the infant, presented him to the people as their 
rightful sovereign, and thenceforward continued to act not as 
king, but as regent. The infant whose life was thus preserved 



FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES. 73 

took the name of Charila'us, which signifies " the delight of 
the people." 8. I?-is not certain at what period of his life 
Lycur'gus resolved to assume the office of a legislator, but it 
was probably after his nephew had attained the age of man- 
hood, since he had leisure to prepare himself for the task by 
travelling into foreign countries. The celebrity of the laws 
of Minos induced Lycurgus to visit Crete,* thence he passed 
into Asia, where he is said to have discovered the works of 
Homer, "j* and finally he visited Egypt, the great seat of an- 
cient civilization. On his return to Greece he proceeded to 
the oracle of Delphi, in order that he might obtain a religious 
sanction for his projected reformation ; and having succeeded, 
he propounded his laws not on his own authority, but on that 
of Apollo, the national god of the Doric tribes. 

9. The laws of Lycurgus were not contained in a written 
code, but conveyed in short sentences called Rhe'trcB, which 
might easily be retained in the memory ; hence many laws 
of a later date have been attributed to him, and he has ob- 

* Crete is the largest of the Grecian islands, and is most advanta- 
geously situated for carrying on commerce with Europe, Asia, and 
Africa. On this account it was very early colonized, and had attained 
a high degree of civilization long before barbarism had been banished 
from continental Greece. Its inhabitants were not pure Helle'nes, but 
a mixed race of Cure 'tes, a wandering Asiatic tribe, Pelasgi and others, 
with whom iEolians and Dorians were intermingled. Its first legis- 
lator and probably the first sovereign of the entire island, was Mi'nos, 
who pretended to be the son of Ju'piter. His laws appear to have been 
founded on the ancient Doric institutions, with such improvements as 
experience suggested, or extensive commerce rendered necessary. It 
was to study this code that Lycur'gus visited Crete, and from it he de- 
rived several of his institutions. The'seus had in a former age intro- 
duced several of the most beneficial Cretan laws into Athens, and thus 
Minos may be looked on as the great author of the Grecian legisla- 
tion : which being several centuries after brought to Rome by the de- 
cemvirs, forms the basis of the civil law in modern Europe. 

f Homer most probably was by birth an Ionian, and his poems 
were consequently unknown to the Dorian conquerors of the Pelo- 
ponne'sus. They were not, however, forgotten by the Achaean tribes, 
the valour of whose ancestors they celebrated ; but these had been 
driven from their habitations, and were little inclined to hold inter- 
course with the Dorians, whom they despised for their ignorance, and 
detested for their usurpations. Lycurgus was the first who made the 
Spartans acquainted with the invaluable writings of this celebrated 
poet; and he seems to have formed his system of laws in accordance 
with the state of society described by the bard. From this circum- 
stance we may conclude that Homer flourished before the return of the 
HeracleidoB, as otherwise his works would have been preserved in the 
Peloponnesus, which he has described with so much accuracy, and 
celebrated with so much beauty. 

G 



74 HISTORY OF GKEECE. 

tained credit for several regulations which really formed part 
of the ancient Dorian institutions. 10. To understand the 
principles of his laws we must keep steadily in mind the re- 
lation in which the Spartans were placed to the Lacedaemo- 
nians, or Perice'ci, and the Helots, because the main object 
of Lycurgus was to maintain the Spartan ascendancy, and 
secure for ever the supremacy of the conquering race. Hence 
we find the organization of the Spartan constitution strictly 
military, calculated to unite the daring spirit of chivalry with 
habits of discipline and obedience. 

11. The authority of the kings was limited by the insti- 
tution of a senate consisting of twenty-eight members, into 
which none were eligible who had not attained the age of 
sixty years, and who were not men of distinguished families, 
blameless lives, and eminent station. After the senators 
were once elected, they were free from all further scrutiny ; 
they held their places for life, and were exempt from all fear 
as to the consequences of their actions. The functions of 
the senate were two-fold, legislative and judicial ; in con- 
junction with the kings it possessed the sole right of initiat- 
ing laws, and preparing them for the decision of the public 
assembly ; in its second capacity it had the supreme de- 
cision in all criminal cases, and could punish with infamy or 
death. 

12. Next to the senate or council of elders was the gene- 
ral assembly, in which none but Spartans could vote ; conse- 
quently, though this was a popular institution, so far as the 
dominant race was concerned, it was strictly an oligarchy in 
its relation to the great bulk of the inhabitants of Laconia. 
No questions could be discussed in the general assembly 
that had not been previously sanctioned by the council of 
elders, neither could amendments be introduced into any pro- 
posed measure ; its power was strictly confined to accepting 
or rejecting the decree propounded on the authority of the 
senate. No private citizen had a right to speak in the as- 
sembly, and consequently its deliberative functions were a 
mere mockery. 

13. The excessive power of the senate was controlled by 
the Ephoralty, an institution peculiar to Sparta, but of which 
it is not easy to determine the origin. The Eph'ori, or in- 
spectors, as their name' signifies, seem to have been origi- 
nally magistrates chosen to determine civil causes ; they also 
had control over the markets, and a censorial authority over 
the morals of the citizens. About a century after the death 



FABULOUS AND HEROIC AGES. 75 

of Lycurgus, the Eph'ori so far extended their authority 
that they acquired and retained the chief power of the state. 
This was chiefly owing to their privilege of instituting at 
their pleasure a scrutiny into the conduct of any magistrate, 
even the king himself, and placing him on his trial before 
the great council. Being regarded in some measure as the 
representatives and agents of the general assembly, the 
Ephori claimed the privilege of convening the free citizens 
and transacting business with them in preference to all other 
magistrates ; they had also the privilege of proposing laws, 
but not without having obtained the consent of the council of 
the elders. Whenever a case arose for which no provision 
was made in the constitution of Lycurgus, the Ephori as- 
sumed its management, and in this manner they obtained the 
direction of foreign affairs, and the control over the public 
finances. So far as the Spartans were concerned, the Epho- 
ralty must be regarded as a strictly popular institution ; its 
members were chosen by the general assembly, and no qual- 
ification of wealth or station was required in a candidate : but 
in its relation to the great body of the nation the Ephoralty 
was essentially a part of the oligarchical system, and the ex- 
tension of its power greatly increased the severity of the con- 
dition both of the Perias'ci and the Helots. 

14. As it was the great object of the legislator to make the 
Spartans a nation of warriors, care was taken that they 
should have sufficient leisure for athletic sports and military 
exercises. Relieved from all care of agriculture by their 
slaves and vassals, taught to consider trade degrading and 
literature unmanly, they spent their time in gymnastic sports 
and the mimicry of war. Luxury, and every indulgence that 
tended to enervate the frame, were strictly prohibited, and 
the citizens were encouraged to compete in the endurance of 
fatigue and hardship. 

15. The education of the Spartans was made an affair of 
state ; children born with any physical defect were ruthlessly 
murdered ; the others were subjected from infancy to a rigid 
discipline, which none but the strongest constitutions could 
endure. Obedience and endurance were the principal lessons 
taught to youth ; by an excess of depravity they were per- 
mitted to cheat, steal, and lie, in order that they might be 
prepared for the stratagems of war, and if detected they were 
punished, not for their guilt, but for their want of ingenuity 
in concealing it. Females, as well as males were forced to 
go through the severe course of hardship and exercise which 



76 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Lycurgus deemed necessary to securing the continuance of a 
nation of warlike nobles. 

16. We have already said that the Perioe'ci were the old 
Achsean inhabitants of Laconia, and that they were reduced 
to subjection by the Doric Spartans. Some persons may 
probably feel surprised that the distinction of races continued 
in full force through several centuries, and that intermar- 
riages did not, as in the case of the Normans and Saxons, 
gradually blend the conquerors and the conquered into one 
nation. But the superstitions of antiquity prevented this in- 
termixture ; it was supposed that certain religious ceremonies 
were peculiar to families or nations, and it was thought that 

hese would be polluted if strangers were permitted to parti- 
cipate in them. A marriage between a Spartan and an 
Achsean was regarded not merely as degrading, but as im- 
pious, and therefore such an alliance was rarely, if ever, 
contracted. Though subject to the Spartans, the Perioe'ci 
were not wholly deprived of civil rights ; they possessed all 
the trade of Laconia, and consequently had all the in- 
fluence arising from the possession of commercial wealth. 
In every other part of Greece they were regarded as free 
citizens, and had the privilege of contending at the public 
games. 

17. Far different was the situation of the Helots; they 
were slaves attached to the soil ; their possessor could nei- 
ther liberate them nor sell them beyond the borders. They 
were the property of the state, though their services were ap- 
portioned to individuals whose farms they cultivated. These 
unfortunate men possessed no civil rights, their masters had 
the power of life and limb over them, and were by no means 
gentle in its exercise. When their numbers rendered them 
formidable, the state sanctioned their massacre ; hence the 
Spartans lived in constant dread of their slaves, and were 
even compelled to stipulate in treaties for aid against them in 
case of a revolt. 

18. Having viewed the members of the state in their rela 
tion to the government, our attention must next be directed 
to the laws regulating property and the tenure of land. All 
the land in Laconia was either in the immediate possession 
of the state, or shared in freeholds to the Spartans, or leased 
out at a stipulated tribute to the Perice'ci. The public estate? 
were different from the mensal lands assigned for the support 
of the kings; they seem to have been principally pastures oi 
forests, the profits of which were possessed by the genera' 



government. Nine thousand lots of ground were given in 
freehold to the Spartans, and great care was taken to make 
them as nearly equal in value as possible. These freeholds 
were cultivated by the Helots, and each lot supported a sepa- 
rate family ; they were inalienable by sale, but at a late 
period permission was given to bequeath them by will in case 
of a failure of heirs. The manifest design of this division 
was to establish an equality, and a partial community of 
property among Uie citizens ; it necessarily failed, but the 
injudicious attempt diminished the actual strength and hin- 
dered the future increase of the Spartans. Their numbers 
gradually diminished, until in the reign of Agis III., B. C. 
240, not more than seven hundred genuine Spartans could 
be found.* The leaseholds of the Perioe'ci were smaller 
than the Spartan freeholds, and Helots were not employed 
in their cultivation ; the rent paid for them appears to have 
been moderate, and they were not subject to any arbitrary 
exactions. 

19. To abolish the use of money is obviously impossible, 
but Lycur'gus, anxious to prevent the Spartans from engag- 
ing in trade, devised a cumbrous coinage, which could with 
difficulty be brought into circulation. His coins were iron 
bars, rendered useless for common purposes by being cooled 
in vinegar; its value was to silver in the proportion of about 
twelve hundred to one, consequently a sum equal to a pound 
sterling of our money was a load that could not be carried 
without inconvenience. In the Spartan market money was 
consequently rather a standard of comparison than a medium 
of exchange ; and, indeed, the few commercial transactions 
between the citizens must have been principally transacted 
by barter. 

20. But though the possession of gold and silver coins was 
expressly forbidden to the Spartans, the state itself was per- 
mitted to accumulate and use them, because money of general 
currency was necessary in all transactions with foreign 
states. It would seem also from the mercantile affairs in 

* Every exclusive aristocracy which omits to replace such houses as 
become extinct dies away, and that too with precipitous rapidity, if it 
be strict in insisting - on purity of descent; so that it must sink into an 
oppressive and hateful oligarchy. ... As the Spartans did not repair 
their losses by admitting new citizens, and did not spare their blood, 
they were reduced to so few, that after Leuctra, their empire fell to 
pieces in an instant, and the existence of the state was only preserved 
by the fidelity of a part of the Laconians. 

Niebuhr's Roman History, Vol. I. 
G 2 



78 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

which the Perioe'ci were engaged, that they were not subject 
to the restrictions in this respect imposed upon their masters ; 
the kings also had permission to acquire treasure, but it is not 
certain whether this exemption from the general rule was the 
result of a special law or usurpation. 

21. One important result followed from these regulations, 
which probably was designed by the legislator ; gold and 
silver were necessary to all persons who had to undertake a 
journey out of Laconia, and these the Sparlans could not 
obtain except from the magistrate or the king, a circum- 
stance which placed great obstacles in the way of foreign 
travel. 

22. The appearance of the city of Sparta showed some- 
thing of the haughty and exclusive spirit that characterizes 
its laws. For a long time it continued unwalled, and it was 
never perfectly fortified, because Spartan valour was supposed 
able to keep enemies at a distance. The Spartan tribes dwelt 
apart, so as to give the city the appearance of five towns 
placed irregularly round the citadel, in the immediate vicinity 
of which the different public buildings stood. Sparta was a 
city in which little regard was paid to the convenience of 
commerce or architectural beauty. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the effect of the Doric conquest in Laconia? 

2. Were any changes made in the condition of the Perioeci ? 

3. Did their peculiar position produce any effect on the character of 

the Spartans ? 

4. What was the Spartan form of government? 

5. Whence arose the custom of having two kings? 

6. From what causes did disturbances arise at Sparta ? 

7. How did Lycurgus behave to his nephew ? 

8. In what manner did Lycurgus prepare himself for the office of a 

legislator? 

9. How were the laws of Lycurgus issued ? 

10. What was the great object of the Spartan laws? 

11. How was the authority of the kings limited? 

12. How was the general Spartan assembly regulated ? 

13. What magistracy was peculiar to Sparta ? 

14. Why was leisure provided for the Spartans ? 

15. How was education regulated in Sparta? 

16. What was the condition of the Perireci? 

17. In what manner were the Helots treated? 

18. What was the Spartan tenure of land ? 

19. Was not money prohibited ut Sparta? 

20. Did this prohibition extend to the state? 



SPARTAN MILITARY SYSTEM. 79 

21. What consequence followed from the monetary system established 

at Sparta ? 

22. Did the exclusive principles of the Spartans appear in the building 

of their city ? 



SECTION n. 



COURTS OF JUDICATURE, MILITARY INSTITUTIONS, AND DOMESTIC 
REGULATIONS OF THE SPARTANS. THE FIRST MESSENIAN WAR. 

Some barbarous dream of empire to fulfil, 

Those iron ages he would have restored, 
When law was but the ruffian soldier's will. 

Alight governed all, the sceptre was the sword. — Cooke. 

1. The general principles of the Spartan constitution, as 
established by Lycurgus, were designed to perpetuate the 
state of society that resulted from the Dorian conquest ; every 
law had a tendency more or less direct to confirm the supre- 
macy of the Spartans, and to continue the exclusion of the 
Perioeci from civil rights. The same intention is manifest in 
all the minor regulations of the legislator, and it will be found 
to explain many Spartan institutions which would otherwise 
seem perfectly absurd. We must never forget that such a 
supremacy as that of the Spartans could only be maintained 
by force and incessant vigilance, and consequently we must 
regard the laws to which they were subjected, as designed 
rather for the soldiers of a garrison than the citizens of a 
state. 

2. The civil laws of Sparta have a character of loftiness 
and severity that belongs to a military code ; the regulations 
respecting private property were few and indefinite, and the 
Ephori, to whom their administration was entrusted, were 
permitted to judge according to their own notions of equity. 
The whole state was considered as attacked when any indi- 
vidual acted contrary to the general principles of the con- 
stitution, consequently those suits which we should regard as 
private, were in Sparta considered as state trials. On this 
account the penalties of transgression were disproportionately 
severe, but they were more especially so in a state where the 
prohibition of money excluded the infliction of fine or for- 
feiture. 3. Dishonour was the punishment most dreaded by 

he Spartans ; it was chiefly inflicted for cowardice ; the 
offender was deprived of civil rights, exposed to every insult, 
and denied the use of fire. No person could speak to him, 



80 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

much less contract an alliance with his family ; wherever he 
turned, a distinctive dress, and a head half-shorn, proclaimed 
his infamy. 

"C The military system of the Spartans was the most per- 
fect in Greece, for with them alone did the warlike arts con- 
stitute the sole study of life. The divisions of the citizens at 
home were maintained in war ; those who shared the same 
feast in Sparta fought in the same company when they took 
the field. Hence the men of the separate battalions were in- 
timate acquaintances, and were ever ready to help and en- 
courage each other. As the Spartans usually fought in close 
files, with long lances, strict subordination was necessary to 
prevent confusion when any evolutions were to be made by 
the crowded phalanx. 5. To effect this, a greater number 
of gradations of rank existed in their army than in any other ; 
and no duty was more carefully impressed on the minds of 
the soldiers than that of obedience to their immediate superior. 
The arms of the heavy infantry, the body to which the at- 
tention of Sparta was almost exclusively directed, consisted 
of a long spear, a short sword only used in the closest com- 
bat, and a brazen shield, which covered the body, from the 
shoulders to the knees. To prevent other nations from 
learning the Spartan tactics, it was forbidden to make fre- 
quent wars upon the same people ; and to avoid the mani- 
fest dangers that would result from breaking the lines of the 
phalanx, it was ordained, that a beaten enemy should be pur- 
sued no further than was absolutely necessary to ensure the 
victory. 

7. In their dwellings and their dress the Spartans displayed 
a simplicity and plainness sometimes graceful, but not un- 
frequently coarse. The same may be said of their domestic 
institutions, which were too frequently gross and indelicate. 
Marriage was regarded not as a private relation, but as an 
affair of state, and the Lacedaemonian women were invested 
with an influence and importance not granted to the female 
sex in any other part of Greece. It would have been well if 
this honour paid to the Spartan ladies had been free from the 
too obvious design of the law-giver to make them mothers of 
soldiers, a design so ostentatiously displayed in the Spartan 
customs, that female delicacy and soft feelings may be said to 
have been virtually banished from the state. 

8. Such institutions naturally led to the sacrifice of all in- 
dividual feelings in favour of an order, or class, in the state; 
self-interest was yielded to the maintenance of Spartan 



SPARTAN MILITARY SYSTEM. 81 

supremacy, every citizen laboured not for himself, but the 
community. Still it would be idle to call these feelings pa- 
triotic ; the Spartans were not a nation, but an oligarchy in a 
nation, and Spartan heroism was exerted in behalf of a party 
rather than a people. Viewed in this light, the disregard of 
self so often exhibited by the noble warrior loses much of its 
merit, for we cannot accord to partizans the honour we be- 
stow on patriots. 

9. The laws of Lycurgus were propagated in a barbarous 
age, and were calculated to preserve the virtues of savage 
life alone. Some resistance was at first made to their adop- 
tion ; it is said that when the division of land was proposed, 
a great sedition was excited by the wealthy, and a young 
nobleman, named Alcan'der, was so indignant, that he de- 
prived Lycur'gus of his eye by a hasty blow. The multitude 
seized the young man and gave him to be dealt with by the 
legislator according to his pleasure. 10. He took Alcan'der 
home, and explaining to him the design of his laws, converted 
an active enemy into one of the warmest supporters of the 
new constitution. 11. Having completed all his plans, Ly- 
curgus pretended that it was necessary for him to consult 
the oracle of Delphi, and exacted an oath from the Spartans 
that nothing should be changed during his absence. On 
reaching Del'phi, he obtained the sanction of the oracle for 
all the laws he had promulgated, and then committed suicide, 
in order that the oath for their observance should be perpetu- 
ally binding on the Spartans. 

12. It would have been impossible that peace could long 
be maintained in the Peloponne'sus, when the centre of the 
country was occupied by a military commonwealth, whose 
citizens were impelled to war by the restlessness common to 
man, and who had nothing else to engage their attention, 
since all the occupations of agriculture and domestic life were 
left to the care of vassals or slaves. 13. The first occasion 
on which the Spartans displayed the superiority derived from 
their new institutions was in a war against the Messe'nians, a 
nation, like themselves, descended from the Doric conquerors. 
14. The history of this war is derived chiefly from traditions 
collected at a very late period, and is, therefore, subject to 
some uncertainty, but the following is a summary of the nar- 
rative given by the best historians. 

15. Some Messe'nian youths accidentally met a party of 
Spartan virgins who had come to worship in a temple of 
Diana, that stood at the common boundary of both states, and 



w 



82 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

stimulated by passion insulted them. The young women on 
their return home refused to survive their disgrace, and 
perished miserably by their own hands. Nearly at the same 
time a Lacedsemo'nian sold to strangers some cattle that had 
been committed to his care by a rich Messe'nian, and trea- 
cherously murdered his son, when he came to inquire after 
the plundered property. The injured father vainly complained 
to the Spartan rulers ; and being maddened by his loss, re- 
venged on some innocent passengers the injuries that had 
been inflicted on him by others. The Spartans sent deputies 
to demand the person of the offender, but the Messe'nians, 
taking into consideration the wrongs by which he had been 
provoked, refused to deliver him up. They offered, however, 
to refer all the differences between the two nations to the 
Amphictyon'ic council ; a proposal which the Spartans, eager 
to seize on the rich plains of Messe'ne, did not even deign to 
honour with an answer. 16. This war lasted twenty years; 
but the Messe'nians being at last overthrown and besieged in 
the city of Itho'me, were obliged to submit to the Spartans. 

17. For thirty years the Messe'nians submitted to the bitter 
yoke ; but during that period their resources had been re- 
cruited, their cities partially rebuilt, and the pain of servitude 
felt more bitterly every hour of its continuance. The other 
nations in the peninsula began also to sympathize with their 
condition, especially the Arcadians, who had been long in 
alliance with Messe'ne, and the Argives, always jealous of 
the Spartan power, and now irritated by some recent usurpa- 
tions of the Spartans in the territories of Argos, it seemed a 
favourable opportunity to strike for freedom, and the Messe'- 
nians embraced it with avidity. 



Questions for Examination. 



U?y were tne Spartans forced to maintain their supremacy ? 
o utl 3 ' ,8 the char acter of the Spartan civil law ? 
A. What was the severest punishment inflicted on Spartans? 
i' ..°, w were ,ne ""''tary and civil codes connected ? 
». What was peculiar to the Spartan army? 

6. Were there any remarkable laws regulating war? 

7. How were women treated in Sparta ? 

a Does the Spartan constitution merit praise? 
9. Were the laws of Lycurgus adopted at once ? 

10. How did Lycureus treat Alcander? 

11. Was there any thing remarkable in the death of the Spartan legislator? 

12. What effect had the Spartan laws in the Peloponnesus? 

13. What was the first war caused by Spartan ambition ? 

14. On what is the history of this war founded? 

15. How did the war between the Messenians and Spartans originate ? 

16. What was its duration? 

17. Did they submit to the yoke ? 



SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 83 

SECTION III. 

SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 

Oh ! for a tongue to curse the slave. 

Whose treason like a deadly blight, 
Comes o'er the councils of the brave. 

And blasts them in the hour of might \— Moore. 

1. The Messe'nians rose up as one man, and at once ex 
pelled the Spartans from their dominions. The leader of 
the insurrection was Aristom'enes, a youth descended C b. c. 
from the ancient line of Messe'nian kings, adorned \ 682. 
with the most extraordinary qualities of mind and body. 
2. The first engagement was fought at De'ree with doubtful 
success ; but so conspicuous was the valour of the Messe'- 
nian leader, that his soldiers unanimously saluted him king, 
on the field of battle. He however declined the dangerous 
name, declaring himself satisfied with the humble title of 
general. 3. His next exploit resembled the action of a hero 
of romance rather than of history. He entered Sparta, 
which was neither walled nor lighted, by night, and pro- 
ceeding to the temple of Minerva, hung up a buckler there 
as a memorial of his exploit, and an offering to propitiate 
the favour of that warlike goddess in the war which he had 
commenced. 4. Two other Messenians, imitating the har- 
dihood of their general, rode into the very middle of the 
Lacedaemonian camp, while the soldiers were celebrating 
the festival of Castor and Pollux. The beauty of their per- 
sons, the richness of their dress, the fiery steeds on which 
they were mounted, made the superstitious crowd believe 
that their heavenly protectors had come in person to grace 
the festival with their presence. But they were soon fatally 
undeceived, when the young heroes, couching their lances, 
charged the astonished multitude, and having slain an im- 
mense number, returned to their countrymen triumphant and 
uninjured. 

5. These exploits, and others of a similar kind, so terri- 
fied the Spartans, that they sent to consult the oracle of 
Apollo. The response of the Pythia was, that the Spar- 
tans would be successful, under the command of an Athenian 
general. 6. Nothing could have been more mortifying to 
the Spartan pride ; both on account of the old hostility be- 
tween the Doric and Ionic race ; and the jealousy with 
which they viewed the supremacy of the Attic republic in 
northern Greece. 7. The Athenians were unwilling to dis- 
obey the precept of the god, but at the same time, they felt 



84 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

a generous sympathy in the efforts of a brave people, strug- 
gling for freedom, and were besides not on the best possible 
terms with the Spartans. They therefore sent Tyrtae'us, a 
lame schoolmaster and poet, selecting him as the least likely 
person to prove a good general. But though Tyrtae'us did 
not possess qualifications to make him shine in the field, 
he was not the less a useful acquisition to the Spartans. 
His songs and orations roused the drooping spirits of 
the people, and enabled them to bear their misfortunes with 
courage. 

8. The heroic spirit of Aristom'enes enabled him to con- 
tend against the oracle and the new courage that it had infused 
into the breast of his enemies. Three times he defeated 
them in successive engagements, and as often merited the 
Hecatompho'nia, a sacrifice due to those who had killed one 
hundred enemies in battle. He was adored by his soldiers 
for his successful daring, and beloved by all for the affec- 
tionate kindness of his manners.* Even the Spartans could 
not avoid respecting him ; for he treated his prisoners with 
lenity, and was always particularly anxious to protect females 
from military violence. 9. This latter trait in his character 
was once the occasion of saving his life. Aristom'enes with 
his followers made a sudden attack on Egi'la, and put the 
male inhabitants to flight; the women, however, trained 
according to the laws of Lycurgus in martial exercises, 
made an unexpected attack on the assailants, threw them 
into remediless confusion, and took many prisoners, among 
whom was Aristom'enes. A young priestess, whom on a 
former occasion the young Messe'nian had rescued from a 
licentious soldier, now repaid the kindness of her benefac- 
tor, and restored him, during the night, to life and freedom. 

10. Three years of continued success on the part of the 
Messe'nians had again reduced the Spartans to despair, 
when they were roused by the songs of Tyrtae'us to make 
one more effort. Knowing that the Lacedaemonians were 
more anxious, even than the other Greeks, about the rites 
of sepulture, he advised each soldier before he entered the 
battle to inscribe his name on his right arm, that his body, 
if he fell, might be recognised by his friends. This simple 
expedient produced the most astonishing effects: the Spar- 
tans, sure at all events of an honourable grave, despised 

* The student of English history will not fail to perceive the great 
similarity that exists between the character and fortune of Aristomenes 
and William Wallace, the hero of Scotland. 



SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 85 

death, and were eager to march against foes whom they had 
hitherto dreaded. 

11. But the Spartans did not trust to their courage alone : 
though the people were poor, the public treasury was rich; 
and they bribed the leader of the Arca'dian auxiliaries, king 
Aristoc'rates, to desert his post in the beginning of the en- 
gagement. Aristom'enes had drawn up his forces near a 
place named the Great Ditch, from whence this is usually 
called the battle of the Trenches, and had taken such pre- 
cautions as the importance of a light that was to decide the 
fate of his country demanded. But treachery rendered skill 
and valour equally useless : at the sound of the first trumpet, 
Aristoc'rates marched off at the head of his Arcadians, with- 
out striking a blow, leaving the flank of his allies exposed 
to the Spartans, who assailed the astonished Messe'nians 
with irresistible fury. The fate of the day was not doubt- 
ful for a single instant; and yet the Spartans obtained a 
hard-won victory. The gallant defenders of their country 
kept their ranks unbroken to the last, and the remnant were 
conducted by Aristom'enes in good order from the field. 

12. This victory gave the invaders possession of all the 
level parts of Messe'nia. Aristom'enes retired to the moun- 
tains, and there maintained a guerilla warfare, from which 
the enemy suffered severely. Making the mountain-castle 
of Ei'ra his head-quarters, he sallied out on the enemy when 
least expected, and at points where they never dreamed of 
meeting a foe. He laid waste the lands of Laco'nia, attacked 
the villages, and kept the whole country in alarm. 13. Fre- 
quent success inspired him with a confidence which had 
nearly proved fatal. He delayed too long in one of his 
expeditions, was overtaken by the Spartan army, made pri- 
soner after a desperate resistance, and with his companions 
sentenced to death. They were ordered to be precipitated 
alive into the Cea'da, a precipitous cavern used for the 
punishment of the worst criminals, All the companions of 
Aristom'enes were killed by the fall; he escaped by a singu- 
lar combination of circumstances, which, though natural 
enough in themselves, exceed the wildest fictions of romance 
in their strange interest. As a compliment to his valour, he 
was allowed to retain his shield ; its boss striking against 
the sides of the cave broke the violence of the fall, and he 
tumbled alive on the dead bodies of his companions. In 
this cave of horrors he remained for two days, when he saw 
a fox devouring the carcasses ; he grasped the animal's tail, 

H 



86 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

and was dragged to an aperture, whence he could discern a 
twinkling of light. With much difficulty he worked his 
way out, and was received at Ei'ra as one risen from the 
dead. 

14. The Spartans could not credit the news of their vic- 
tim's escape until several new and daring exploits convinced 
them that Aristom'enes was yet alive. They resolved to 
make fresh exertion to terminate a war which had been so 
long protracted, and from which they had suffered so se- 
verely. With a numerous army they blocked up the moun- 
tain passes, and Aristom'enes was at length shut up and 
closely besieged in his last retreat. 

15. Eira, the last fortress of the Messe'nians, was pre- 
served for eleven years by the vigorous and persevering 
efforts of this single man. At length, a Spartan deserter 
having accidentally learned that a violent storm had forced 
the Messe'nians to abandon some of their posts, resolved to 
purchase his pardon by conveying the news to his country- 
men. Notwithstanding the slipperiness of the steep ascent, 
the Spartans, by the direction of this double-dyed traitor, 
mounted the unguarded citadel, and obtained possession of 
all the principal posts before the Messe'nians became sensi- 
ble of their danger. 16. When the morning appeared, they 
saw the impossibility of any other assistance than what 
might be derived from despair. They determined at every 
hazard to attack and penetrate the Spartan battalions. Even 
the women armed themselves with tiles, with stones, and 
every weapon that presented itself to their fury. 17. The 
combat lasted for three days, though the Spartans continually 
relieved their forces by fresh troops, while the Messe'nians 
had to combat cold, sleep, fatigue, and hunger, in addition 
to the enemy. Aristom'enes saw that it was impossible to 
avert the fate of Ei'ra, and prepared to force his way through 
B.C. > the midst of the enemy. He drew up his shattered 
671.$ forces in a square column, placing the women and 
children in the centre, and assuming the command of the 
van, advanced with presented spears against the Spartan 
lines. The Spartans, as directed by Hecatae'us the diviner, 
opened their ranks and allowed them to pass unhurt, judi- 
ciously avoiding to irritate their despair. The Messe'nians 
abandoned their city, and in mournful silence marched 
towards Arca'dia. 18. When the Arca'dians heard of the 
capture of Ei'ra, they travelled in great numbers towards 
the frontier of their kingdom, carrying with them victuals, 



SECOND MESSENIAN WAR. 87 

clothing, and all things necessary to the relief of the unfor- 
tunate fugitives, whom having met at mount Lycae'a, they 
invited into their cities, offered to divide with them their 
lands, and give them their daughters in marriage. 

19. The friendship of the Arca'dians suggested to Aris- 
tom'enes an attempt, whose boldness little corresponded 
with the depression of his fortunes. As the greater part of 
the enemy's forces still lay at Ei'ra, he determined with 
his little band to make a sudden attack on Sparta itself; 
believing that an unfortified city would easily yield to the 
sudden and unexpected attack of his valiant followers. 
20. This enterprise was disconcerted by a second act of 
treachery on the part of Aristoc'rates, the Arcadian king, 
who delayed the Messe'nians, under the pretence of unfa- 
vourable omens, and in the mean time despatched a messen- 
ger to Sparta, informing its sovereign of the approaching 
danger. 21. The messenger was intercepted on his return, 
and the indignant Arca'dians stoned to death the traitor 
that disgraced the name of king. The Messe'nians took no 
share in this act of substantial justice. They stood observ- 
ing the countenance of Aristom'enes, whose looks expressed 
grief rather than resentment. He, indeed, is honourably 
distinguished above all the other heroes of antiquity, by 
never having yielded to the dictates of revengeful feelings. 
He had refused to retaliate on the Spartan prisoners the 
cruelties practised on the Messe'nians ; and now that his 
dearest hopes were blasted for ever, he refused to raise a 
hand against the traitor who had caused his ruin. 

22. The aged and infirm Messe'nians remained in Arca'- 
dia, where they continued to be treated with the most gene- 
rous hospitality. The young and vigorous, being joined by 
others of their countrymen, determined to preserve their 
independence in a foreign land. Aristom'enes recommended 
them to settle in some distant colony, but refused to accom- 
pany them in their exile. While they yet deliberated on 
the choice of a country, a messenger arrived from Rhe'gium, 
then governed by Anax'ilas, a prince descended from the 
Messe'nian royal family, inviting the exiles to seek an 
asylum in his dominions. 23. When they arrived at Rhe'- 
gium, Anax'ilas informed them that his subjects were con- 
stantly harassed by the piratical attacks of the Zancle'ans, 
aniEo'lian colony on the opposite side of the Sicilian strait. 
The capture of Zancle (he observed) would relieve his 
subjects from the depredations to which they were exposed, 



98 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

and would enable the Messe'nians to establish themselves 
in the most delightful and advantageous spot on the whole 
Sicilian coast. The proposal was eagerly embraced, and 
the Zancle'ans, before they had time to make any prepara- 
tion, found themselves vigorously besieged by sea and land. 
After an ineffectual resistance they deserted their walls, and 
fled to the sanctuary of their temples. 24. The Rhe'gians 
were inclined to put them all to the sword, but the Messe'- 
nians, by suffering persecution, had learned mercy ; they 
offered their friendship to the citizens, and the Zancle'ans, 
thus delivered from the perils of the sword and servitude, 
the usual penalties of unsuccessful war, promised eternal 
gratitude to their generous protectors. The victors and the 
vanquished coalesced into one people, and the name of 
Zancle was changed to Messene ; a name which may still 
be recognised after the lapse of nearly twenty -six centuries. 

25. Aristom'enes passed over into Asia, probably with 
the hope of exciting the Lydian monarch to undertake some 
enterprise, which might finally be of benefit to Messene. 
He was everywhere received with the greatest respect, and 
the king of Ilys'sus, in the island of Rhodes, having been 
ordered by an oracle to marry the daughter of the most 
illustrious Greek, unhesitatingly chose the daughter of 
Aristom'enes. But upon his arrival at Sardis, he was seized 
with a distemper which put an end to his life. Other lead- 
ers recorded in Grecian history, have defended the indepen- 
dence of their country with more success, but none with 
greater zeal and ability; other names have been more cele- 
brated, but none better merited glory, since he united in a 
pre-eminent degree the virtues of a citizen to the courage 
of a soldier, and was equally distinguished by the vigour 
of his intellect, and the purity of his heart. 

26. The subjugation of the Messe'nians made Sparta 
decidedly the first state in southern Greece; other wars fol- 
lowed with the Argives and Arca'dians, but were not attended 
with any important consequences ; except, that the island 
of Cythe'ra was wrested from the Argives, and annexed to 
b. c. ) the territories of Laconia : an important acquisition, 
550. } which enabled the Spartans to become partially a 
naval power. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Who was the leader of the insurgents in the second Messe'nian war 1 

2. Where did the two armies come to. an engagement ? 



GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS. 89 

3. What was the next exploit of Aristom'enes ? 

4. Were any other Messe'nians equally daring ] 

5. What answer did the Spartans receive from the Delphic oracle 1 

6. Why was this direction mortifying to their pride ] 

7. Whom did the A thenians send as general ] 

8. How did Aristom'enes conduct himself during the war ] 

9. From what danger was Aristom'enes rescued by the gratitude of 

the Spartan woman I 

10. How did Tyrtaeus induce the Spartans to continue the war] 

11. By whose treachery did the Spartans prevail 1 

1 2. Whither did Aristom'enes retire ] 

13. In what extraordinary manner did he escape from imminent danger? 

14. How did the Spartans act when they heard of the escape of Aris- 

tom'enes ] 

15. By what means was the capture of Eira finally effected 1 

16. Did the Messe'nians make any resistance] 

17. How did Aristom'enes act in this crisis] 

18. Did any people show kindness to the Messe'nians ] 

1 9. What daring exploit did Aristom'enes next meditate ] 

20. How w r as he disappointed ] 

2 1 . Did the traitor escape with impunity ] 

22. From whom did the Messe'nians receive an offer of ap asylum ] 

23. What enterprise did the exiles undertake ] 

24. How did they prove that their hearts were not hardened by mis- 

fortunes ] 

25. What became of Aristom'enes ] 

26. Did the Spartans make any other acquisition after the conquest of 

Messene ] 



CHAPTER III. 



OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS, THE LAWS OF SOLON, AND THE 
HISTORY OF THE REPUBLIC, FROM THE TIME OF SOLON TO THE 
COMMENCEMENT OF THE PERSIAN WAR. 

SECTION I. 

Dissembled hate and rancour ra?ed at will, 
Each as he pleased took liberry to kill ; 
And while revense no \onser feared Ihe laws, 
Each private murder was the public cause. — Rome. 

1. We have already mentioned the changes that took place 
in the Athenian constitution after the death of Codrus. The 
abolition of royalty was at first an injury rather than a ser- 
vice to the cause of popular freedom ; for in Athens, as in 
Rome, the supreme power was seized on by a haughty 
aristocracy, that permitted no person, however distinguished, 
to hold any official situation, unless a member of their own 
body. But the early and rapid diffusion of wealth and 
ii 2 



90 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

intelligence among the Athenian people made the dominion 
of the Eupat'ridaB there more insecure than that of the pa- 
tricians at Rome ; and besides jealousies arose between the 
nobles themselves, which induced them to appeal to the 
people for support, and thus raised their consequence in the 
state. 2. The nine archons and the court of Areop'agus 
possessed all the legislative and executive authority at 
Athens ; they were invariably selected from the Eupat'ridee, 
and before the time of Solon there does not appear to have 
been any appeal from their authority. The year was named 
after the first archon, whence he was called Epon'ymus, 
but oftener emphatically The Archon. The second had the 
title of king,* and discharged the duties of high priest. The 
third was named Pol'emarch, and to him warlike affairs 
were intrusted. The remaining six were called Thesmoth'- 
etae, and their business was to prepare all laws that were to 
be proposed in the assemblies of the people. 

3. The Alcmceon'idse, descended from Alcmaeon, the 
last perpetual archon, and through him from Codrus, were 
both, by their family and riches, far the most powerful of the 
Athenian Eupat'ridae. Cy'lon, a young nobleman of great 
ambition and power, was unwilling to brook the predomi- 
nance of that house, and, aided by his relatives and clients, 
he seized on the citadel of Athens. 4. An outcry was 
raised, that he wished to become a tyrant — a name given by 
the Greeks to those who had by violence made themselves 
the masters of a free state. Meg'acles, the head of the 
Alcmceon'idae, who was then chief archon, immediately 
assembled his forces, and closely blockaded the insurgents. 
Cylonand his followers were soon reduced to great distress ; 
the leader escaped, and the others fled for safety to the 
altars. Induced by the promise of life to quit their sanc- 
tuaries, they were ail miserably butchered ; but such an im- 
pression was produced on the minds of the Athenians by 
this act of perfidy and impiety, that all concerned in it were 
banished. They returned, indeed, but though many of their 
descendants were distinguished for their abilities and inte- 
grity, yet they were constantly embarrassed whenever their 
opponents demanded that they should be expelled, as the 
offspring of those who had committed sacrilege. 

* Ba.<riheut Both in Athens and Rome there were certain solemn 
sacrifices which none but a king could offer ; hence, after the expulsion 
of the Tarquins, the Romans elected a priest, to whom they gave the 
•itle of Rex Sacrificulus. 



GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS. 91 

5. The disorders arising from this, and many C b.c. 
similar commotions, induced the Athenians to elect I 624. 
Dra'co as their legislator, deeming that a fixed code of laws 
would be the best security against the oppression of the 
nobles, and the sedition of the people. Dra'co was a man 
of unblemished integrity, great talent, and highly cultivated 
mind, but he was deficient in political experience, and want- 
ed that knowledge, the most important to a statesman — the 
knowledge of human nature. 6. He prepared a code of 
laws, so absurdly severe, that they could not be put into 
execution ; the consequence was, that criminals enjoyed 
perfect impunity, and the disorders of the state became 
worse than ever. Dra'co's laws were said to be written, 
not with ink, but blood ; his own remark is fully sufficient 
to show how unfit he was for the office that he had under- 
taken : — " Small crimes," said he, "deserve death, and 1 
know of no heavier punishment for greater." 

7. Though the Doric invasion of Attica had failed when 
the Heraclei'dae retreated after the death of Co'drus, a por- 
tion of the Dorians had seized on the territories of Megaris, 
a narrow district north of the Peloponnesus, and retained it. 
in spite of every exertion made to expel them by their Ionic 
neighbours.* They now took advantage of the dissensions 
in Attica to make themselves masters of Nisae'a, a valuable 
sea-port on the Saron'ic gulf ;t and at the same time Sal'a- 
mis threw off the yoke of Athens, and asserted its indepen- 
dence. Several unsuccessful expeditions were undertaken 
to reduce the island to obedience, until at length a law was 
passed prohibiting any Athenian, under pain of death, from 
proposing any new attempt against Salamis. 

8. There was then in Athens a young man, a native of 
the island, but descended from Codrus, the last Athenian 
king, who perceived that the people were sorry for the hasty 
law which they had passed, but that no one had courage to 
propose its repeal. So'lon, for that was his name, had been 
hitherto remarkable only for his love of literature, and his 
successful cultivation of poetry ; qualities, which though 
valuable in themselves, did not confer on him any politi- 
cal importance. He therefore had recourse to stratagem. 
Having spread a report that he had been seized with a fit 

* We have already mentioned, that the Athenians were of the Ionic 
race. Their territories were sometimes called Ionia, even at a late period 
of their history. 

f See Map. 



92 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

of insanity, he appeared one morning in the market-place 
clad in a strange dress, and by his frantic gestures, soon 
collected a large crowd ; as soon as his audience appeared 
sufficiently numerous, he recited to them a poem on the loss 
of Salamis, so affecting, that the whole multitude burst into 
tears. An assembly of the people was instantly convoked, 
the law was repealed, a new expedition, under the com- 
mand of Solon, decreed by acclamation, and in a very few 
days, Salamis was again reduced to obedience. 
b.c. ~) 9. But this brilliant success could not remedy the 
594. 5 internal evils of the state, distracted by the disputes 
of factions, and by the tyranny of the nobility, who had 
usurped the entire power of the state. At length the eyes 
of all were turned on Solon, who had become distinguished, 
as much by his political wisdom as he had been for his 
bravery at Salamis. On his return from his travels in 
Egypt and Asia, then the countries most remarkable for 
their advancement in knowledge and civilization, he was ap- 
pointed chief archon,* with full power to prepare a code of 
laws that might reform all the abuses of the state. 

* Solon was one of the seven wise men of Greece. The others were 
Thales the Mile'sian, Chilo of LacedaVmon, Pit'tacus of Mityle'ne, 
Perian'der of Corinth, and Bias and Cleobu'lus, whose birth-places are 
uncertain. One day, at the court of Perian'der, a question was pro- 
posed, Which was the most perfect popular government 1 That, said 
Bias, where the laws have no superior. That, said Thales, where the 
people are neither too rich nor too poor. That, said Anachar'sis the 
Scythian, where virtue is honoured, and vice detested. That, said Pit'- 
tacus, where dignities are always conferred upon the virtuous, and 
never upon the base. That, said Cleobu'lus, where the citizens fear 
blame more than punishment. That, said Chilo, where the laws are 
more regarded than the orators. But Solon's opinion seems to be best 
founded, who said — where an injury done to the meanest subject is an 
insult upon the whole community. 

Nor must we omit his celebrated interview with Croe'sus, king of 
Ly'dia. That monarch, who was reputed the richest prince of his 
time, having displayed before him his immense wealth and treasures, 
asked whether he did not think him the happiest of mankind 1 No, re- 
plied Solon ; I know one man more happy, a poor peasant of Greece, 
who, being neither in affluence nor poverty, has but few wants, and has 
learned to supply those few by his own labour. But at least, said the 
vain monarch, do you not think me happy ? Alas ! cried Solon, what 
man can be pronounced happy before he dies ] The sagacity of So- 
lon's replies appeared in the sequel. The kingdom of Ly'dia was in- 
vaded by Cyrus, the empire destroyed, and Croesus himself taken pri- 
soner. When he was led out to execution, according to the barbarous 
manners of the times, he then recollected the maxims of Solon, and 



GOVERNMENT OF ATHENS. 93 




10. His political system was, as he himself declared, not 
the best that could be formed, but the best that Athens wtis 
capable of receiving ; still his civil and criminal codes were 
so ably formed, that the Romans made them the basis of 
their legislation, and from thence they have been transferred 
into all the judicial systems of modern Europe. 

11. His first step was in favour of the poor, who had 
been grievously oppressed by the rich ; it was difficult or 
a poor freeman to earn his subsistence, where the labour 
was principally performed by slaves ; hence the poor were 
deeply in debt, and at Athens, insolvent debtors, together 
with their wives and children, might be reduced into slavery, 
unless they could find other means of satisfying their cre- 
ditors. He lowered the rate of interest, and took away all 
power over the person of a debtor, but as a compensation 
to the creditors, he raised the value of money, and by that 
means increased their riches. 

12. His next step was to repeal all the laws of Draco, 
except those against murder. He then proceeded to the 
regulation of offices, employments, and magistracies, all 
which he left in the hands of the rich. 

13. He divided the rich citizens into three classes, rang- 
ing them according to their incomes. Those that had five 

could not help crying out, when on the scaffold, upon Solon's name 
Cyrus, hearing him repeat this with great earnestness, was desirous of 
knowing the reason ; and being informed by Croesus of that philoso- 
pher's remarkable observation, he began to fear for himself, pardoned 
Croesus, and took him for the future into his confidence and friendship. 
Thus Solon had the merit of saving one king's fife, and of refoiming 
another. 

h2 



94 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

hundred measures yearly, as well in corn as in liquids, were 
placed in the first rank; those that had three hundred were 
placed in the second ; and those that had ftut two hundred 
made up the third. 14. All the rest of the citizens, whose 
incomes fell short of two hundred measures were comprised 
in the fourth and last class, and were considered as incapable 
of holding any employment whatever in the state. 15. But, 
to compensate for this exclusion, he gave every private citi- 
zen a right to vote in the great assembly of the people. And 
this, indeed, was a right of the most important nature ; for 
by the law of Athens it was permitted, after the decision of 
the magistrates, to appeal to the general assembly of the 
people ; and thus, in time, all causes of weight and conse- 
quence came before them. 

16. To counteract, however, the influence of a popular 
assembly, Solon gave greater weight to the court of Areo- 
p'agus, and also instituted another council, consisting of four 
hundred.* Their duty was to take cognizance of all matters 
about to be proposed in the public assembly of the people, 
and not to permit any law to be propounded which did not 
appear to them, on mature deliberation, conducive to the 
public good. To them was also intrusted the examination 
of the magistrates' accounts, and the management of the funds 
destined for the maintenance of those who were supported 
at the public expense. Finally, they had a general power 
of directing every thing in the public administration, for 
which provision had not been otherwise made by law. 
17. Before his time the Areop'agus was composed of such 
citizens as were most remarkable for their probity and wis- 
dom. But Solon now ordained, that none should be admitted 
into it, but such as had filled the office of archon. 18. By 
this means the dignity, and consequently the authority, of 
the court was greatly increased : and such was its reputation 
for integrity and discernment, that the Romans sometimes 
referred causes, which were too intricate for their own 
decision, to the determination of this tribunal. 

19. The court of Areop'agus had supreme control over 
the religion and morals of the state. The introduction of 
new deities, the regulation of public worship, and the edu 

* This council was the senate, which consisted of one hundred from 
each tribe. It was increased to five hundred when the tribes were 
augmented to ten ; and when the number of tribes was twelve, the 
senate consisted of six hundred members. Their presidents were called 
Pryt'anes 



LAWS OF SOLON. 95 

cation of youth, were objects of their peculiar care. Their 
duties, though not of such great political importance as 
those of the council of the four hundred, were of greater 
dignity, and therefore the Areop'agus were usually called 
the upper council. 

20. Such was the reformation in the general plan of 
government : his particular laws for the administration of 
justice were more numerous, and equally judicious. To 
promote a spirit of patriotism, and prevent all selfish indif- 
ference about the concerns of the republic, he ordained that 
whoever in public dissensions espoused neither party, but 
remained neuter, should be declared infamous, condemned 
to perpetual exile, and to have all his estates confiscated. 
21. From a similar motive he permitted any person to 
espouse the quarrel of one that was injured or insulted. 
He abolished the custom of giving marriage-portions with 
young women, unless they were only children. He wished 
to render matrimony an honourable connexion, and not, as 
it had too often been, and still continues to be, a mere matter 
of traffic. 22. He allowed every one that was childless to 
dispose of his wealth as he pleased, and thus the natural 
dependence of the young upon the old was strengthened 
and increased. He lessened the rewards of the victors at 
the Olym'pic and Isth'mian games, whom he considered as 
a useless, and often a dangerous set of citizens, and bestowed 
the money thus saved upon the widows and children of 
those who had fallen in the service of their country. 

23. To encourage industry, he empowered the Areop'a- 
gus to inquire into every man's method of procuring a live- 
lihood, and to punish such as had no visible way of doing 
so. With the like view, he ordained that a son should not 
be obliged to support his father in old age or necessity, if the 
latter had neglected to give him some trade or calling ; and 
all illegitimate children were exempted from the same duty, 
as they owed nothing to their parents but the stigma of their 
birth. 24. No one was allowed to speak ill of the dead, 
or to revile another in public ; the magistrates were obliged 
to be particularly circumspect in their behaviour ; and it 
was even death for an archon to be seen intoxicated. 
25. Against the crime of parricide he made no law, as 
suooosing it could never exist in any society. 



95 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Questions for Examination. 

1. Did the cause of popular liberty gain by the abolition of royalty at 

Athens 1 

2. Who at first possessed the supreme power 1 

3. Did any popular leader rebel against the nobles 1 

4. What became of Cylon and his followers 1 

5. Who was the first Athenian legislator! 

6. What was the character of Draco's laws ? 

7. What misfortunes did the Athenians suffer in consequence of their 

dissensions 1 

8. By whom were the people roused to recover Salamis] 

9. To what high office was Solon raised ] 

10. What was the character of his laws 1 

11. What was his first step 1 

1 2. What was his next step 1 

13. How did he divide the wealthy citizens 1 

14. How were the rest of the people classed] 

15. What compensation was made for this exclusion 1 

16. How did Solon adjust the balance of power 1 ? 

17. Of whom was the Areopagus composed? 

18. What was the consequence of this measure ? 

19. What was the business of the four hundred ] 

20. What farther regulations did he enforce 1 

21. Mention a few others. 

22. By what means did he increase the dependence of the young on the 

old, and provide for the widow and the orphan 1 

23. How did he encourage industry ? 

24. In what cases were children exempt from the duty of assisting a 

parent in necessity ? 

25. How did he preserve public decorum ? 

26. What was the punishment of parricide and incontinence 1 



SECTION II. 

FIRST SACRED WAR. 



Now bid the heralds sound ihe loud alarms, 

And call the squ;idron sheathed in brazen arms; 

Now seize the occasion, now the troops suivey, 

And lead to war when Heaven directs the way. — Homer. 

1. Soon after the establishment of Solon's laws at Athens, 
a religious war broke out in Pho'cis, which eventually pro- 
duced the most fatal consequences to all the Grecian states. 
The territory of Crissa, situated on the gulf, sometimes 
called after its name, though only twenty-four miles in 
length, and fourteen in breadth, contained three powerful 
cities ; Crissa the capital, Cirrha on the western, and Anti- 
cirrha on the eastern side of a creek in the Corinthian gulf, 
all excellent harbours, and surrounded by fertile fields, 



FIRST SACRED WAR. 97 

Enjoying such advantages, the Crisse'ans soon became a 
rich and flourishing community, their ports were crowded 
with the merchant-ships, not only of Greece, but also of 
Africa, Italy, and Sicily ; and the neighbourhood of Delphi, 
the easiest road to which lay through their territories, 
brought crowds of pilgrims thither from every quarter. 
But they did not know how to make a judicious use of their 
blessings ; they began to impose heavy duties on the impor- 
tation of merchandise, and to levy a vexatious tax on the 
pilgrims. Remonstrances were in vain made by the suffer- 
ers, and by the managers of the Delphic oracle, who justly 
dreaded that the continuance of such exactions would deter 
pilgrims from visiting the holy shrine. 2. The Crisse'ans 
not only continued their extortion, but resolved to seize on 
the treasures that had been consecrated to Apollo. Accord- 
ingly they marched against Delphi, which was totally un- 
prepared for resistance, captured the city, and enriched 
themselves with the plunder of the temple. Not contented 
with this impiety, they fell on the worshippers of the deity 
assembled in the sacred grove, and inflicted on them every 
injury that lust and cruelty could dictate. A sacred deputa- 
tion of the Amphictyons, who attempted to check their out- 
rages, was forced to fly, and thus alone escaped from being 
murdered by the ferocious plunderers. 

3. Such a sacrilege excited universal detestation through- 
out Greece ; but there was some reason to dread that the 
mutual jealousy of the several states would prevent their 
union in inflicting punishment. The council of the Am- 
phic'tyons remained undecided and irresolute, until Solon, 
the Athenian deputy to the assembly, roused them to assert 
iheir own dignity, and avenge the insult that had been offered 
to their national temple. 

4. The lands of Crissa were laid waste by the Amphic- 
tyonic forces ; but the strength of the city walls defied the 
utmost efforts of the invaders. At length, in the ninth year 
of the war, a pestilence broke out in the camp, and the 
Amphic'tyons, almost ready to resign the enterprise in de- 
spair, sent to consult the oracle at Delphi. The answer 
returned was, that they should send to Cos for the fawn of 
gold. 5. The obscurity of this response did not prevent the 
Amphic'tyons from sending a deputation to the island 
When the ambassadors had stated their business in the 
Co'an assembly, one of its members rose and declared, " T 
am the fawn intended by the god, (his name was Neb'ros, 



98 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

which in Greek signifies a fawn,) and my son Chry'sos (the 
name of gold in the same language) has borne away the 
prize from all his competitors in manly exercises." The 
deputies immediately hailed Chry'sos as the general selected 
by Apollo, and as medicine was the hereditary profession 
of the family of Neb'ros,* they could scarcely have made a 
better choice. 

6. Chry'sos was placed at the head of the besieging 
army ; by his judicious regulations health was restored in 
the camp, but previous sufferings had so diminished the 
number of the Amphic'tyonic soldiers, that they scarcely 
outnumbered the garrison, and therefore the conquest of 
Crissa seemed as far off as ever. But an accidental circum- 
stance t having revealed to Chrysos the situation of the 
wooden pipe by which water was conveyed into the town, 
he poisoned the spring, and the garrison in consequence 
began to decline daily. At length Crissa was captured by 
assault, the males were put to the sword, the women and 
children sold into slavery ; and the property of the city 
consecrated to Apollo. 

7. But the vengeance of the offended deity was still un- 
satisfied ; many of the most sacrilegious had taken refuge 
in Cirrha, and until that city had been destroyed, it appeared 
that the atonement would be incomplete. Cirrha, however, 
seemed likely to make as desperate a defence as Crissa, and 
again a deputation was sent to consult the oracle. The 
response in this case was still more extraordinary than in 
the preceding; it was declared that " the Amphic'tyons 
could not succeed until the waves of the sea washed the 
sacred precincts of Delphi." While the other deputies 
were totally at a loss to discover how the sea could be 
brought over the Parnassian mountains to the holy land ; 
Solon proposed an expedient which was immediately adopt- 
ed. This was to consecrate the entire of the Crisse'an 
territory to Apollo, and since they could not bring the sea 
to the sacred boundaries, to take the reverse order of pro- 
ceeding, and extend the sacred bounds to the sea. This 
ingenious plan was adopted, the land of Crissa was conse- 

* ^Escula'pius was said to have been the founder of the family ; the 
celebrated physician Hippo'crates was one of its descendants. 

j" The horse of Eurylochus, the commander before Chrysos, was said 
to have stamped on the spot several days successively, and this was 
looked on as a revelation from Apollo of the means by which Crissa 
might be taken. 



FIRST SACRED WAR. 99 

crated with ah the usual ceremonies, and the besiegers, now 
convinced of the favour of the gods, renewed their efforts 
with so much vigour, that Cirrha soon shared the fate of 
the capital. 

8. The lands of the Crisseans being devoted to the gods, 
could not, without impiety, be cultivated. They long re- 
mained desolate, until in a later age the Phocians, whom 
proximity to the temple seems to h'ave deprived of reverence 
for its sanctity, took possession of the devoted soil, and thus 
provoked the second war.* The successful termina- C b. c. 
tion of this war was celebrated by the revival of the ^ 591 . 
Pythian games, in honour of Apollo, which had previously 
fallen into disuse. On this occasion the Amphictyons intro- 
duced two innovations worthy of notice ; instead of honorary 
crowns they gave pecuniary prizes from the spoils of Crissa; 
and they offered separate rewards for music and poetry, for 
which prizes had in all former games been given conjointly. 

10. Solon had provided a constitution for Athens, but he 
had not been able to extinguish the factions by which the 
state was agitated ; the hardy inhabitants of the Attic moun- 
tains were bent on establishing a perfect democracy ; the 
wealthy merchants on the coast wished to set up a commer- 
cial oligarchy, like that of Venice in modern times, and the 
landed proprietors who inhabited the valleys of Attica, were 
anxious to make the government a feudal aristocracy,! such 
as prevailed in most parts of Europe during the middle ages. 
The several leaders of these parties were Peisis'tratus, 
Meg'acles, and Ly'curgus. 

11. Peisis'tratus, the head of the highland or democratic 
party, was far superior to his competitors both in intellectual 
and personal qualifications. A good general, a persuasive 
orator, and an able statesman, he possessed every requisite 
for arriving at supremacy in a popular state. His great 
rival, Meg'acles, was at the head of the family of the Ale 
moeon'idse, whose immense wealth constituted his chief sup- 
port ; but as this family was not one of the Eapat'ridae, 
having been originally natives of the Peloponnesus, from 
whence they were driven by the Heraclei'dae, Meg'acles had 
not such a strong hold on the people as Lycurgus, who 
united in his party all those who reverence high birth and 
ancient nobility. 

12. Before the parties had yet tried their strength in 

* See chap. XII. f See Historic Miscellany, Part IT. chap. I. 



100 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

civil war, Solon returned to Athens after a long absence, 
and was in vain solicited by his cousin Peisis'tratus to aid 
him in his ambitious designs. The virtuous legislator in- 
dignantly refused ; and foreseeing that if he remained in 
Athens he should witness evils which it was not in his power 
to prevent, he went into voluntary exile, where he died at 
an advanced age. 13. In the mean time, Peisis'tratus had 
become absolute master at Athens ; having presented him- 
self in the market-place covered with blood, he assured the 
people that his life had been attempted by the partisans of 
the nobility, on account of his affection for the multitude ; 
he therefore entreated that he should be permitted to arm a 
body-guard for his protection. A decree to that effect was 
speedily passed, and Peisis'tratus having thus obtained the 
rudiments of an army, soon extended the number of his 
followers to such an amount that he was enabled to assume 
the sovereignty of his country. 

14. It must be remembered that this is the account given 
by the political enemies of Peisis'tratus, and its accuracy 
may therefore be doubted. It is certain that he made no 
change in the Athenian constitution ; he was supreme in 
Athens only because the party of which he was the leader 
had gained the upper hand. The character of Peisis'tratus, 
as a ruler, merits every praise ; he was a great encourager of 
learning, and during his administration Athens first became 
a literary city. He arranged the poems of Ho'mer in their 
present order, from the detached portions sung by the wan- 
dering minstrels, and to create a correct taste for poetry, 
ordered that these sublime compositions should be publicly 
read at the solemn festivals. Though a warm friend, he 
was not a bitter enemy ; when he returned in triumph to 
Athens, after having been forced into banishment by the 
temporary success of the opposing factions, he did not abuse 
his victory. The Alcmceon'idaB, indeed, were banished, but 
this appears to have been the work of the democracy rather 
than Peisis'tratus.* 

15. The sons of Peisis'tratus, Hippias and Hfpparchus, 
succeeded to the authority of their father, and for some time 

* The student will probably be surprised at the name tyrant being 
applied to Peisistratus ; but that word had not the same meaning in an- 
cient as in modern times. The Greeks used the word tyrant to desig- 
nate a person who had acquired sovereign authority in a free state, even 
though his supremacy was obtained by honourable means, and the 
government administered with justice and mercy. 



THE PEISISTRATID.E. 



101 




Death of Hipparchus. 

imitated his bright example. During their administration, 
Athens first became remarkable for the splendour of its 
public buildings, and for the diligent cultivation of the fine 
arts. They erected Hermae, columns surmounted with the 
head of Mercury, in the streets and squares, and inscribed 
on them moral sentences for the instruction of the people. 
The poets, Anac'reon* and Simon'ides,t were invited to 
their court, which was, indeed, the resort of all whom 
learning and genius made illustrious in Greece. Their 
reign, which lasted eighteen years, was justly termed " the 
golden age of literature." 

16. But the possession of unlimited power too frequently 
leads to its abuse. Hippar'chus grossly insulted the sister 
of a young Athenian noble, named Harmo'dius ; and he, 
with his friend Aristogei'ton, made a sudden attack on the 
offender, and slew him at a public festival. The two friends 
perished in the tumult that ensued ; but though their con- 
duct had been dictated by personal resentment, yet as it 
eventually caused the restoration of Athenian freedom, Har- 
mo'dius and Aristogei'ton were celebrated by posterity as 
the greatest of patriots. 

* Anac'reon was a famous lyric poet of Te'os, in Ionia. His poems 
are remarkable for their sweetness and elegance, but his life was one 
continued series of drunkenness and debauchery. He was choked with 
a grape-stone, in the eighty-fifth year of his age. 

f Simon'ides was a poet of Cos, celebrated for the elegance and 
beauty of his elegies, epigrams, and dramatic pieces. His epic poems 
were likewise highly esteemed. He obtained a prize for his poetry in 
his eighteenth year, and died at the age of ninety. 
i2 



10'^ HISTORY OF GREECE. 

17. The murder of his brother produced a great change 
in the character of Hippias ; he became jealous," revengeful, 
and cruel, in short, a tyrant in the worst sense of the word ; 
his person and his government became alike odious ; the 
Alcmceonidae had sufficient influence to have him denounced 
b. c. > by the oracle of Delphi ; and at length he was ex- 
510. 5 pelled by the assistance of the Spartans, after his 
family had with little interruption governed Athens during 
sixty-eight years. 

18. Cleis'thenes, the head of the family of the Alcmoe- 
on'idae, began next to take a lead in the affairs of Athens. 
He was vigorously opposed by Isag'oras, the leader of the 
aristocratic faction, and by the entire body of the Eupat- 
ridae, who looked down upon the Alcmoeon'idae as a new 
family. To strengthen himself against such powerful op- 
ponents, Cleis'thenes courted the support of the people, by 
introducing several new laws which greatly increased their 
influence in the state. 19. The nobles, indignant at being 
deprived of what they looked on as their hereditary rights, 
entered into secret alliance with the Lacedaemonians, and at 
the same time revived the almost forgotten disputes about 
the murder of the followers of Cy'lon. They insisted that 
the descendants of those engaged in that sacrilege should be 
banished, and the Alcmoeon'idae, foreseeing that such a de- 
mand was too much in accordance with the spirit of Gre- 
cian superstition to be resisted, went into voluntary exile. 

20. Had the nobles used their victory with moderation, 
the constitution of Athens would probably have again be- 
come oligarchical, but the violence and cruelty of Isag'oras 
soon provoked a new revolution, in which the Alcmoeonidae 
were restored, and their opponents banished. 21. Isag'oras 
applied for assistance to the Spartans, and they sent an army 
to invade Att'ica on the west, while the Boeo'tians and Eu- 
boe'ans attacked it on the north and west. 22. But Dema- 
ra'tus, one of the Spartan kings, was averse to the Athenian 
war; he opposed Cleom'enes his brother-sovereign in every 
thing, and in consequence of these disputes, the Spartan 
army returned home. In the mean time the Athenians de- 
feated the Boeo'tians and Euboe'ans, and deprived the latter 
of a large portion of their territories. Under the adminis- 
tration of Cleis'thenes the government of Athens became a 
complete democracy, and so continued with but little change 
as long as the city retained its independence. 

23. Cleom'enes ever after hated Demara'tus, and taking 



TTTE rEISTSTRATID.E. 103 

advantage of some suspicious circumstances, he denied the 
legitimacy of his rival's birth. It was agreed to leave the 
question to the decision of the Delphic oracle, and the 
priestess, being bribed by Cleom'enes, declared that Dema- 
ra'tus had no r:ght to the Spartan crown ; he was conse- 
quently deposed, and compelled to seek refuge in Persia. 
Cleom'enes soon after died by his own hand, after warmly 
struggling against the stings of remorse for his injustice and 
impiety. He was succeeded by Leonidas. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. How did the Crisseans provoke the general hatred of Greece ? 

2. Did they commit any other crime ? 

3. Who roused the Greeks to revenge the insult offered to the DelpLic 

shrine ? 

4. What strange answer was given to the Amphictyons by the oracle ? 

5. How was this response interpreted ? 

6. By what means did Chrysos take Crissa ? 

7. How was Cirrha involved in the same fate with Crissa i 

8. Did the cultivation of the Cirrhean plain cause another war at a 

later period ? 

9. How was the conclusion of the first sacred war celebrated ? 

10. Into what parties were the Athenians divided ? 

11. What were the characters and pretensions of the leaders of th^so 

parties ? 

12. What became of Solon? 

13. How did Peisistratus succeed in obtaining supreme power ? 

14. In what manner was the government administered] 

15. How did the sons of Peisistratus behave 1 ? 

16. Why was Hipparchus murdered ? 

17. By whom was Hippias expelled ? 

18. What political changes did Cleisthenes introduce 1 

1 9. How did the nobles punish the family of the AlcmcsonidaB ? 

20. Did the Alcmoeonidae return from banishment ? 

21. To what dangers were the Athenians exposed? 

22. What success had the invaders of Attica ? 

23. What changes took place in the Spartan government ? 



104 HISTORY OP GREECE. 

CHAPTER IV. 

FROM THE EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS TO THE DEATH OF MILTIADES. 
SECTION I. 



War is— 



- in those who draw th' offensive blade 



For added power or gain, sordid and despicable. — Joanna Baillie. 

1. Though Hip'pias, upon being driven from the throne, 
was obliged to abandon his native country, he did not, how- 
ever, give up all hopes of being able some time or other to 
recover his lost power. 2. He first applied to the Lacedae- 
mo'nians, and that people seemed sufficiently willing to 
espouse his cause;* they thought that his restoration might 
the more easily be effected, because Athens was at this time 
thrown into confusion, by the introduction of the new mode 
of voting by ostracism, that is, of procuring the banishment 
of any citizen for ten years, whose wealth or popularity 
rendered him dangerous to the state, by allowing everyone 
above sixty years of age to give in the name of the obnox- 
ious person, written upon a tile or oyster-shell.t 3. Before 
they undertook, however, to assist Hip'pias in re-ascending 
the throne, they thought it prudent to consult the other states 
of Peloponnesus with regard to the propriety of the mea- 
sure, and finding all, but especially the Corinthians, averse 
to it, they abandoned the tyrant and his cause for ever. 

4. Hip'pias, disappointed in his hopes of aid from the 
Lacedaemo'nians, had recourse to one whom he considered 

* What rendered the Lacedsemo'nians anxious to espouse the cause 
of the exiled monarch, was an apprehension that Athens would become 
too powerful, if not weakened by tyranny or civil dissension. But the 
other states of Greece were equally jealous of Sparta, and refused to 
concur in any measure that might destroy the balance of power, which 
alone ensured their safety. 

j- A more detailed account of this remarkable mode of punishment 
will probably be acceptable to the reader. It was called by the Greeks 
Ostrakismos, from Ostrakon a tile. Every one taking a tile, on which 
he wrote the name of the person to be banished, carried it to a certain 
part of the market-place, surrounded with rails for that purpose, in 
which were ten gates, appointed for the ten tribes, every one of which 
entered at a distinct gate. After this, the archons numbered the tiles. 
If they were fewer than six thousand, the ostracism was void ; if more, 
they laid every name by itself, when he whose name was written by the 
major part was banished for ten years. 



FIRST PERSIAN INVASION". 105 

as a much more powerful patron, Artapher'nes, governor of 
Sardis,* for the king of Persia 

5. To him he represented the facility with which an en- 
tire conquest might be made of Athens ; and the Persian 
court, influenced by the prospect of gaining such an addition 
of territory, and particularly such an extent of sea-coast, 
readily adopted the proposal. When the Athenians, there- 
fore, sent a messenger into Persia to vindicate their proceed- 
ings with regard to Hip'pias, they received for answer, 
" That if they wished to be safe, they must admit Hip'pias 
for their king." But these gallant republicans had too 
ardent a passion for liberty, and too rooted an aversion to 
slavery, patiently to submit to so imperious a mandate. 
They therefore, returned a peremptory refusal ; and from 
that time forward the Athenians and Persians began to pre- 
pare for commencing hostilities against each other. 

6. The gallantry, indeed, of the Athenians upon this oc- 
casion is the more to be admired, as their numbers and re- 
sources bore no proportion to those of the prince whom 
they thus set at defiance. The Persian monarch was, at 
that time, the most powerful sovereign in the universe ; 
whereas the small state of Athens did not contain above 
twenty thousand citizens, ten thousand strangers, and about 
fifty or sixty thousand servants. 7. Sparta, which after- 
wards took such a considerable share, and made so capital a 
figure, in the war against^Persia, was still more inconside- 
rable with respect to numbers. These did not amount to 
above nine thousand citizens, and about thirty thousand pea- 
sants. Yet these two states, with very little assistance 
from the inferior republics, were able not only to resist, but 
even to baffle and defeat all the attempts of the Persian 
monarch ; — a memorable instance of what acts of heroism 
may be performed by men animated by a love of freedom, 
and inspired with a passion for military glory. 

8. The restoration of Hip'pias was not the only cause 
of quarrel between the Persians and the Athenians. The 
Greek colonies of Io'nia, iEo'lia, and Ca'ria,t that had been 

* A city of Nato'lia, in Asiatic Turkey, formerly the capital of the 
Kingdom of Lyd'ia. 

j- These Greek colonies had emigrated from their parent countries at 
different periods, and under different leaders. Enjoying a fruitful soil 
and most delicious climate, they silently nourished in peace and pros- 
perity, became eminently skilled in poetry, painting, sculpture, and the 
art of casting brass. They likewise excelled in architecture, as ui« 



106 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

settled for above five hundred years in Asia Minor, were at 
length subdued by Croe'sus king of Lyd'ia,* and he in turn 
sinking under the power of Cy'rus, his conquests, of course, 
were incorporated with the rest of his dominions. 9. These 
colonies, however, had not yet lost all memory of the liberty 
they had formerly enjoyed ; and they therefore anxiously 
awaited an opportunity of delivering themselves from the 
Persian yoke, and of recovering their ancient independence. 
b.c. } 10. In this they were now encouraged by Histiae'us, 
500. 5 the governor, or tyrant, as he was called, of Mile'- 
tus,t for all the Persian governors of these provinces were 
by the Greeks called tyrants. 11. This man, having ren- 
dered his fidelity suspected at the Persian court, had no 
other way of providing for his own safety than by exciting 
the Io'nians to a revolt. 12. By his direction, therefore, 
Aristag'oras, his deputy, first applied to the Lacedaemo'- 
nians for assistance, but they were unwilling to engage in a 
war which would lead them to a country so distant from 
their home. Failing of success in that quarter, he next had 
recourse to the Athenians, where he met with a more favour- 
able reception. 13. The Athenians were at this time in- 
flamed with the highest resentment against the Persian mo- 
narch, on account of his haughty mandate with regard to the 
restoration of Hippias : they therefore supplied the Io'nians 
with twenty ships, to which the Ere'trians, and some other 
Eubcean states, added five more. 

14. Thus supported, Aristag'oras entered the Persian 
territories, and penetrated into the heart of Lyd'ia, burnt 
Sardis, the capital city ; but being soon after deserted by the 
Athenians, on account of some checks he received, he found 
himself altogether unable to make head against the power 
of Persia : and though he contrived to maintain the struggle 
for the space of six years, yet he was at last obliged to fly 
into Thrace,J where he was cut off with all his followers 
15. As to Histiae'us himself, being taken prisoner with a 
few of the insurgents, he was conducted to Artapher'nes, 
and that inhuman tyrant immediately ordered him to be cru- 
cified, and his head to be sent to Darius. § 

Doric and Ionic orders, which they invented, sufficiently evince. See 
Historical Miscellany, part I. 

* A province of Nato'lia, in Asia Minor. 

■f-The capital of Io'nia. 

t An extensive country in Europe, on the confines of Asia. 

§ After repeated defeats, the Io'nians were compelled to take shelter 
in Mile'tus, one of their strongest cities ; but it was soon besieged by 



FIRST PERSIAN INVASION. 107 




Capture aud burnicg of Sdrtls. 

16. The commencement of this war naturally tended to 
widen the breach between the Athenians and Persians ; and 
the conclusion of it was no less calculated to inflame the 
pride and presumption of the latter, than to inspire them 
with the ambitious design of making an entire conquest of 
Greece. 17. To pave tne way for this grand pro- C b. c. 
ject, Dari'us, in the twenty-eighth year of his n$ign, I 493. 
having recalled all his other generals, sent his son-in-law, 
Mardo'nius, to command throughout the maritime parts of 
Asia, and particularly to revenge the burning of Sardis, 
which he could neither loigive nor forget. 18. But his fleet 
being shattered in a storm in doubling the cape of Mount 
A'thos,* his army repulsed, and himself wounded, by the 
Thracians, who attacked him suddenly by night, Mardo'nius 
returned to the Persian couri, covered with shame and con- 
fusion for having miscarried in his enterprise both by sea 
and land. 19. Darius, theielore, displaced him, and ap- 
pointed two elder and ablei generals, namely, Da'tis, a 
Mede, and Artapher'nes, son ol ihe late governor of Sardis, 
in his stead. At the same time he exerted himself with un- 
wearied diligence, in furnishing them with such an army and 
navy as he thought would render them certain of success. 

20. Previous, however, to his invasion of Greece, he 
thought it became his dignity and humanity to send heralds 

the fleet and army of the Persians, and after an obstinate defence, taken 
and burnt. Io'nia soon, however, recovered its former populousness, and 
was governed by the kings of Persia with great moderation and lenity. 
* A mountain in Macedonia, now called Santo Monte, or the Holy 
Mountain. 



108 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 




into that country to require submission from the different 
states, or to threaten them with his vengeance in case of 
refusal.* 21. The lesser states, intimidated by his power, 
readily submitted ; but the Athenians and Spartans nobly 
disdained to acknowledge subjection to any earthly sovereign. 
22. When, therefore, the heralds demanded earth and water, 
the usual method of requiring submission from inferior states, 
these spiriterf republicans threw the one into a well, and the 
other into a ditch, and tauntingly bid them take earth and 
water from thence. 23. Nay, they went still farther ; they 
resolved to punish the iEgine'tans for having basely sub- 
mitted to the power of Per'sia, and by that means betrayed 
the common cause of Greece. 

24. These people, indeed, made some resistance ; they 
even carried on a naval war against the Athenians ; but the 
latter, having at length overcome them, increased their own 
navy to such a degree as to render it almost a match for that 
of Persia. 

25. In the mean time Darius, having completed his levies, 
sent away his generals, Da'tis and Artapher'nes, to what he 
considered as a certain conquest. 26. They were furnished 
with a fleet of six hundred ships, and an army of a hundred 
and twenty thousand men ;t and their instructions were to 
give up Athens and Ere'tria to be plundered, to burn all the 
houses and temples, and to lead the inhabitants into captivity. 
The country was to be laid desolate, and the army was pro- 
vided with a sufficient number of chains for binding the 
prisoners. 

* This was done by demanding earth and water. 
f Of these ten thousand were cavalry. 



FIRST PERSIAN INVASION. 109 

Questions for Examination. 

1. Did Hippias despair in his misfortunes 1 

2. To whom did he apply for assistance 1 

3. What opportunity seemed favourable to Hippias 1 

4. To what foreign power did the expelled tyrant appeal 1 

5. How did the Athenians treat the insulting message of the Persians 1 

6. Were the Athenians equal in power to the Persians 1 

7. What was the strength of Sparta at the time 1 

8. Was the restoration of Hippias the sole end the Persians had in 

view? 

9. Did the Greek colonies submit willingly to the yoke ? 

10. By whom were they encouraged to revolt 1 

11. What induced Histsus thus to act 1 

1 2 What steps did he take on the occasion ] 

13. What was the state of the public mind at Athens ? 

14. What was the issue of the war ] 

15. What was the fate of Histseus 1 

1 6. What was the consequence of this war ? 

17. How did Darius commence his operations'? 

18. What was the issue of this expedition 1 

1 9. To whom was the enterprise next committed ? 

20. Did Darius offer peace 1 

21. Did the Greeks comply? 

22. In what way did they comply with the requisition 1 

23. What other step did they take ! 

24. Was this an easy task 1 

25. What expectations did Darius entertain "? 

26. With what forces were they furnished, and what were their instruc- 

tions ] 



SECTION II. 



FIRST PERSIAN INVASION. 

Not so, we, sirs, we'll still wear 
Athens' wrong upon our spear ; 
And the best blood in our breast 
Free shall flow at her behest. — Mitchell. 



1. To oppose this formidable invasion, the Athenians had 
only about ten thousand men, but all of them animated with 
that invincible spirit which the love of liberty ever inspires. 
2. They were at this time headed by three of the greatest 
generals and statesmen their country ever produced, though 
no country ever produced more. 3. These were Milti'ades, 
Themis'tocles, and Aristei'des. The first was considered 
the ablest commander ; the second was so fond of a popular 
government, and so eager to ingratiate himself with his 
fellow-citizens, that he was frequently accused of partiality. 
The third was so rigidly and inflexibly just, that his name 



110 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

has descended to posterity as almost another term for justice 
itself. 

4. The Persian fleet, warned by the disaster of Mardo'- 
nius, steered their course through the Cyc'lades, for the 
Athenian coasts. The islanders made no resistance to an 
armament whose numbers seemed to hide the waters of the 
iEgei'an, but either fled to their mountains, or sent earth 
and water as tokens of their submission. At length the 
invaders landed in Euboea, and the first brunt of the war fell 
upon the Ere'trians, who being utterly unable to oppose so 
mighty a force in the field, shut themselves up in the town. 
5. But though they defended the place with great gallantry, 
yet, after a siege of seven days, it was taken by the perfidy 
of two of its citizens, and reduced to ashes ; the inhabitants 
were put in chains, and sent as the first : fruits of victory to 
the Persian monarch. 6. The rest of the island was soon 
subdued, and the Persians resolved to invade Attica, whose 
shores, separated from them only by the narrow strait of the 
Euri'pus, seemed to invite them to an easy conquest. The 
measures that they adopted for accomplishing this design 
appear to have been very judicious ; they left a large portion 
of their army to garrison the islands that had been subdued, 
sent all their useless attendants with the captive Ere'trians* 
into Asia, and selected one hundred thousand of their best 
infantry with a due proportion of cavalry to form the expe- 
dition. 7. They easily crossed the strait, and being directed 
in their march by Hippias, whose knowledge of the country 
and intimate acquaintance with the affairs of Greece made 
his opinions valuable, they encamped on the Mar'athonian 
shore, where the level plains afforded room for the opera- 
tions of cavalry, which constituted the most effective part 
of the invading army, but with which the Greeks were 
badly provided. 8. There the Athenians resolved to oppose 
them ; but not thinking themselves singly equal to such an 
undertaking, they sent first to the Spartans for assistance, 
and would certainly have obtained it, had it not been for a 
foolish superstition, which would not allow them to begin a 
march before the full moon. 9. They then applied to the 
other states of Greece ; but these, except the Platae'ans, 

* Darius, though justly incensed by the burning of Sardis, treated 
these captives with great lenity ; he established them as a colony on an 
estate of his own, about forty miles from the capital ; where their 
descendants were found several centuries after, still retaining evident 
traces of their Eurooean origin. 



FIRST PERSIAN INVASION. Ill 

who sent one thousand soldiers, were too much intimidated 
by the power of Persia to venture to move in their defence. 

10. Obliged, therefore, to depend upon their own courage 
alone, they collected all their forces, to the number of eleven 
thousand freemen, with probably an equal number of armed 
slaves, and intrusted the command of them to ten generals, 
of whom Milti'ades was the chief; and each of these was to 
have the direction of the troops for one day in regular suc- 
cession. 11. But this arrangement was soon found to be 
so very inconvenient, that, by the advice of Aristei'des, the 
chief command was vested in Milti'ades alone, as the ablest 
and most experienced of all the generals. 12. At the same 
time it was resolved in a council of war, though only by a 
majority of one vote, to meet the enemy in the open field, 
instead of waiting for them within the walls of the city.* 

13. Milti'ades, sensible of the inferiority of his C b.c. 
numbers when compared to those of the enemy, 1 490. 
endeavoured to make up for this defect by taking possession 
of an advantageous ground. He therefore drew up his army 
at the foot of a mountain, so that the enemy should not be 
able to surround him, or charge him in the rear. At the 
same time he fortified his flanks with a number of large trees 
that were cut down for the purpose, and strewed the ground 
in his front with branches, piles of stones, and other obsta- 
cles, to impede the Persian cavalry, which in consequence 
seem to have been rendered useless in the engagement. 
14. Da'tis saw the advantage which the Athenians must 
derive from this masterly disposition ; but relying on the 
superiority of his numbers, and unwilling to wait till the 
Spartan succours should arrive, he resolved to begin the 
engagement. 15. The signal for battle, however, was no 
sooner given, than the Athenians, instead of waiting for the 
onset of the enemy, rushed in upon them, according to their 
usual custom, w r ith irresistible fury. 16. The Persians re- 
garded this as the result of madness and despair, rather than 
of deliberate courage ; but they were soon convinced of their 
mistake, when they found that the Athenians maintained the 
charge with the same spirit with which they had begun it. 
17. Milti'ades had purposely and judiciously made his wings 
much stronger than his centre, where the slaves were posted 

* This determination was highly pleasing to Milti'ades, who preferred 
trusting to the well-known and tried valour of his countrymen in the 
field, to enduring the horrors of a siege within the walls of a crowded 
city. 



112 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



under the command of Themis'tocles and Aristei'des. 
18. The Persians, availing themselves of this circumstance, 
attacked the centre with great bravery, and were just upon 
the point of making it give way, when the two wings, having 
now become victorious, suddenly wheeled about, and falling 
upon the enemy on both flanks at once, threw them into dis- 
order. 19. The Persians fought with swords and battle- 
axes; the Greeks used the spear. When their dense line 
of lances fell upon the hostile flanks, the shock was irre- 
sistible ; the rout became universal, and the enemy fled to 
their ships with great precipitation. The Athenians pursued 
them as far as the beach, and even set several of their ships 
on fire. 20. It was on this occasion that Cincegei'rus, the 
brother of the poet iEs'chylus, seized one of the enemy's 
ships with his right hand, as they were pushing it off from 
the shore. When his right hand was cut off, he laid hold 
of the vessel with his left; and that likewise being lopt off, 
he at last seized it with his teeth, and in that manner ex- 
pired.* 

21. Seven of the enemy's ships were taken, and above six 
thousand men left dead upon the field of battle, not to men- 
tion those who were drowned as they were endeavouring to 
escape, or were consumed in the ships that were set on fire. 
22. Of the Greeks there fell not above two hundred; and 
among these was Callim'aehus, who gave the casting vote for 
a.m. > fighting the enemy in the field. Hip'pias, who 
3514. 5 was the chief cause of the war, is thought to have 
perished in this battle ; though some say he escaped, and 
afterwards died miserably at Lem'nos.t 

23. Such was the famous battle of Mar'athon, one of the 
most important that is to be found in history, as it first taught 
the Greeks to despise the power of the Persian monarch, 
bravely to maintain their independence, and to go on culti- 
vating those arts and sciences which had so evident a tend- 
ency to polish and refine their own manners, and which 
have since diffused their benign influence over all the res 
of Europe.;}: 24. Of the marble which the Persians had 

* The Athenians received the first news of this important victory 
from a soldier, who, though wounded, ran to Athens to announce the 
joyful event. On his arrival he could merely exclaim, " Rejoice, rejoice, 
the victory is ours !" and immediately expired. 

f Now Stalimene, an island in the Archipelago. 

t Immediately after the full moon, the Lacedsemo'nians began their 
march, and proceeded with such expedition, that in three days they com • 



FIRST PERSIAN INVASION. 113 




The Persians pursued to their ships after the battle of Marathou. 



brought with them for the erection of a monument to per- 
petuate the memory of their expected victory, the Athenians 
now caused a statue to be made by the celebrated sculptor 
Phid'ias, to transmit to posterity the remembrance of their 
defeat. This statue was dedicated to the goddess Nem'esis, 
who had a temple near the place. 25. Monuments were at 
the same time erected to the memory of all those who had 
fallen in the battle; and upon these were inscribed their 
own names, and the name of the tribe to which they belonged. 
26. Of these monuments there were three kinds : one for 
the Athenians, one for the Platae'ans, their allies, and one 
for the slaves who had been enrolled among the troops upon 
this pressing emergency. 27. To express their gratitude 
to Milti'ades, the Athenians caused a picture to be painted 
by one of their most eminent artists, named Polygno'tus, in 
which that great commander was represented at the head of 
the other generals, animating the troops, and setting them 
an example of bravery. 

28. The Persian fleet, after having received the fugitives 
on board, doubled the cape of Su'nium and made an attempt 
to surprise Athens, but this had been foreseen by Milti'ades, 

pleted a journey of one hundred and fifty miles. Notwithstanding this 
astonishing celerity, however, they arrived too late to share in the glory 
of a victory which had delivered Greece from the most imminent danger 
to which she had ever as yet been exposed. After viewing the field of 
battle, covered with the bodies and spoils of their enemies, and con- 
gratulating the Athe'nians on their success, they returned to their own 
country. 

k2 



114 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

who had brought his victorious army from the field of 
battle to the capital. The fame and influence which 
Miltiades had thus acquired eventually ^rovtd the cause of 
his ruin. He obtained from the Athenians an armament of 
seventy ships, without mentioning the manner in which he 
designed to employ them, but simply declaring that he 
wished to execute a project, which would bring great riches 
to Athens. With this force he sailed against the island of 
Pa'ros, under the pretence of punishing the inhabitants for 
the assistance they had been compelled to give the Persians, 
but in reality to avenge a private quarrel of his own. He 
demanded from the islanders one hundred talents as the 
price of his retreat, but the Pa'rians heroically refused to 
purchase safety, and set him at defiance. After a vain 
attempt to storm the town, Miltiades returned to Athens 
wounded and disappointed. 29. For this disgraceful ex- 
pedition he was brought to trial by Xanthip'pus, a noble- 
man of high rank. His wound prevented him from mak- 
ing a vigorous defence ; but the sight of the hero of Mara- 
thon extended on a couch, for he caused himself to be thus 
brought to the assembly, was more calculated to produce an 
effect on the multitude, than the most eloquent oration. The 
crime laid to his charge was capital, but the Athenians were 
unwilling to inflict the punishment of death on one who had 
performed such essential services to the republic. They 
fined him fifty talents, (about 10,000/.,) which being unable 
to pay, he was thrown into prison. Miltiades died of his 
wounds in a few days after his imprisonment, but the fine 
was paid by his son Ci'mon. 30. Many historians have 
quoted this as an instance of the ingratitude shown by the 
Athenians to their public men, but assuredly the unjustifia- 
ble attack on the Pa'rians, and the lavish expenditure of the 
public treasures and the blood of the citizens, in prosecut- 
ing a private pique, merited a severe punishment ; and if we 
take into account the manner in which the resources of the 
state were wasted, the fine does not appear extravagant. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What means had the Athenians to oppose these formidable invaders ! 

2. Were they commanded by experienced generals ? 

3. What were their names and characters 1 

4. On whom did the storm first fall ! 

f>. Di<l they make a successful defence 7 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 115 

6. What treatment did they experience from the Persian king 7 
"/ . What were the next movements of the Persian army ? 

8. What means did the Athenians adopt ? 

9. To whom did they next apply, and what success did they expe 

rience ? 
30. Did these disappointments discourage them ? 

11. Did this arrangement prove convenient? 

12. In what way was it determined to oppose the enemy? 

13. By what means was the inferiority of numbers compensated for ? 

14. Were the Persians aware of these advantages ? 

15. Did the Athenians await the attack ? 

16. Was this fury soon spent? 

17. What was the Athenian order of battle ? 

18. What advantage did the Persians take of this? 

1 9. What was the result ? 

20. What intrepid action was performed by an Athenian ? 

21. What was the loss sustained by the Persians ? 

22. What was the loss of the Greeks ? 

23. What were the consequences of the battle of Marathon ? 

24. How was the memory of the battle preserved ? 

25. By what means were the names of the slain rescued from oblivion ? 

26. How many kinds of monuments were there ? 

27. How did the Athenians express their gratitude to Miltiades ? 

28. Did Miltiades engage in any expedition disgraceful to his charac- 

ter ? 

29. How was he punished ? 

30. Has this occurrence been misrepresented ? 



CHAPTER V. 



FROM THE DEATH OF MILTIADES TO THE RETREAT OF XERXES 
OUT OF GREECE. 

SECTION I. 

Thick as autumnal leaves or driving sand 

The moving squadrons blacken all the strand. — Homer. 

1. Dari'us, rather enraged than intimidated by the loss he 
had sustained in the battle of Marathon, was preparing to 
invade Greece in person, when, happily for the peace of 
that country, death put an end to his ambitious project. 
2. His son Xerx'es, however, who succeeded him on the 
throne, was determined to execute the plan his father had 
formed. 3. Having just returned from a successful expedi- 
tion he had made into Egypt, he expected to meet with the 
like good fortune in Europe. 4. But before he would 



116 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

engage in so important an enterprise, he thought proper to 
consult the principal officers in his court. 5. Mardo'nius, 
his brother-in-law, well knowing his secret sentiments, and 
willing to flatter him in his favourite pursuits, highly ap- 
plauded the resolution he had taken. But Artaba'nus, his 
uncle, whom years and experience had rendered wise, en- 
deavoured to divert him from his rash design. 

6. His arguments, however, instead of producing the de- 
sired effect, drew from the haughty monarch a stern repri- 
mand, as unbecoming as it was unjust. 7. While these 
hostile designs were in agitation, the Athenians were assi 
duously employed, under the conduct of Themis'tocles, 
in subduing their more domestic enemies. 8. The smaller 
islands in the iEge'ian sea had through his exertions been 
already reduced to obedience ; but the possession of these 
remained precarious, while the fleet of iEgi'na covered the 
sea, and bid defiance to that of Athens. 9. That they might 
be enabled to seize or destroy this fleet, Themis'tocles 
persuaded the Athenians to devote the produce of the silver 
mine at Laurei'um, in Attica, to the purpose of building 
ships of war. This prudent advice was of infinite service, 
as will appear in the sequel. 

b.c. > 10. Xerx'es, having thus resolved upon his ex- 
480. 5 pedition into Greece, began to make preparations 
for carrying it into execution ; and the greatness of these 
showed the high sense he entertained of the power and 
bravery of the enemy. 11. Sardis was the general rendez- 
vous for his land forces : and the fleet was ordered to ad- 
vance along the coasts of Asia Minor, towards the Helles- 
pont.* 12. On his way thither, in order to shorten its 
passage, he cut a canal through the neck of land that joined 
Mount A'thos to the continent; and, while this was doing, 
he addressed the mountain with all that pomp and ostenta- 
tion for which the eastern princes have ever been remark- 
able. " Athos," said he, " thou proud aspiring mountain, 
that liftest up thy head to the heavens, be not so audacious 
as to put obstacles in my way. If thou dost, I will cut thee 
level with the plain, and throw thee headlong into the sea." 

13. In his march to Sardis he gave a shocking proof of 
the cruelty of his disposition. Having required the eldest 
son of Pyth'ias, a Lyd'ian prince, to attend him in the war, 
the father offered him all his treasure, amounting to about 

* Those narrow straits, now called the Dardanelles, which separate 
Europe and Asia. 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 



four millions sterling, to purchase his exemption ; and, as 
the young man seemed desirous of staying at home, Xerx'es 
commanded him immediately to be put to death before 
his father's eyes. Then, causing the body to be cut in two, 
and one part of it to be placed on the right, and the other 
on the left of the way, he made the whole army pass be- 
tween them ; a terrible example of what every one had to 
expect that dared to dispute his orders. 

14. His army was composed not merely of Persians, but 
of Medes, Lyd'ians, Bac'trians, Assyrians, Hyrca'nians ; 
in a word, of every people, that either acknowledged his 
authority, dreaded his power, or courted his alliance; so 
that it is said to have amounted to above two millions of 
men. 15. His fleet consisted of fourteen hundred and 
twenty-seven ships, besides a thousand lesser vessels, that 
were employed in carrying provisions. On board of these 
were six hundred thousand men ; so that the whole army 
might be said to amount to above two millions and a half; 
which, with the women, slaves, and sutlers always attend- 
ing a Persian camp, might make the whole above five mil- 
lions of souls ; — a force which, if rightly conducted, might 
have given law to the universe ; but, being commanded by 
ignorance and presumption, was soon after repulsed, and 
finally defeated, by the small but gallant states of Greece. 

16. With this mighty armament Xerx'es set out C b. c. 
on his expedition, ten years after the battle of Mar'- £ 480. 
athon. 17. Upon reviewing his forces, his heart was natu- 
rally elated with joy, from a consciousness of his superior 
power : but this soon gave place to the feelings of humanity, 
and he burst into tears when he reflected that a hundred 
years hence not one of so many thousands would be alive 
18. He had previously given orders for building a bridge of 
boats across the Hellespont, or, as it is now called, the 
Dardanelles, which separates Asia from Europe, and is about 
an English mile over. 19. But this bridge, when completed, 
being carried away by the current, Xerx'es, like a tyrant, 
wreaked his vengeance upon the workmen, and like a lunatic, 
upon the sea. He caused the heads of the former to be 
struck off, and a certain number of lashes to be inflicted upon 
the latter, to punish it for its insolence, and fetters to be 
thrown into it, to teach it for the future obedience to his 
will ; — a striking proof how much the possession of despotic 
power tends not only to corrupt the heart, but even to weaken 
and blind the understanding. 20. A new bridge was formed 



118 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

by a double range of vessels, secured by double anchors, 
and fastened together with the strongest cables. On these 
a roadway was formed by the trunks of trees ; the interstices 
were filled up with earth, and smooth planks laid over all. 
The sides were fenced with wicker-work to prevent any of 
the horses or beasts of burden from slipping over; and upon 
this singular structure the entire army passed over from 
Aby'dos, in Asia Minor, to the little city of Ses'tus in 
Thrace. So great was the number of the Persians, that 
seven days and nights were spent in the passage. 

21. Xerx'es, having thus entered Europe, began his march 
directly for Greece, receiving everywhere the submission of 
the countries through which he passed. Most of the states 
of Greece, overawed by his power, submitted at the first 
summons. Athens and Sparta alone, those glorious repub- 
lics, nobly disdained such pusillanimous conduct. They 
gallantly resolved to oppose the invader of their country, 
and either to preserve their liberties entire, or to perish in 
the attempt.* From the moment that Xerx'es began his 
preparations, they had received intelligence of his designs ; 
and in their turn began to take measures for rendering them 
abortive. 22. They had also sent spies to Sardis, in order 
to bring them an exact account of the number and quality 
of the enemy's forces. The spies, indeed, were seized ; 
but Xerx'es, instead of punishing or even detaining them, 
ordered them to be conducted through his camp, and then 
dismissed, desiring them at the same time, on their return 
home, to give a faithful relation of what they had seen. 
23. The Athenians and Spartans, however, neither intimi- 
dated by the mighty force that now came against them, nor 
by the base submission of the inferior states, nobly resolved 
to face the common danger with joint forces. These forces 
did not amount to above eleven thousand two hundred men : 
and yet, with this handful of troops, they determined to 
oppose the almost innumerable army of Xerx'es. 

24. Their first care was to appoint a general ; and they 

* The whole population of these little states, which thus prepared to 
withstand the immense armies of Persia, was considerably less than that 
of Yorkshire in England. The answers of the oracles likewise, instead 
of being encouraging, were either ambiguous or terrifying. Yet this 
vast disproportion of numerical strength, and the discouraging responses 
of their god, did not deter these champions of liberty from their pur- 
pose, nor dispose them to submit to the arbitrary mandate of the Persian 
despot. 



SECOND PERSIAN' INVASION. 119 




Aristeides and the peasant. 



wisely made choice of Themis'tocles, the ablest commander 
that had appeared in Greece since the death of Milti'ades. 
They likewise recalled Aristei'des, who had been driven 
into banishment by the faction of his enemies,* at the head 
of which, indeed, was Themis'tocles: such is the jealousy 
that sometimes prevails between great men, though equally 
attached to the interest of their country ! 

25. Ambassadors were sent to the Greek colonies in Sicily 
and Italy, soliciting them to assist their parent country in 
this crisis ; the inhabitants of these states, with that eager 
love for Hel'las which pervaded all the HeHenic tribes, 
immediately promised their assistance. Ge'lon, who then 
ruled at Sy'racuse, was appointed to command the auxilia- 
ries, and, impressed with a deep sense of his own importance 
and abilities, required to be nominated captain-general of 
all the Grecian forces. The Spartans, with their usual pride, 
peremptorily rejected his demand ; and before any amicable 
arrangement could be formed, the Grseco-Italian states were 
obliged to contend for their own independence at home. 
The Carthaginians had been long the commercial rivals of 
the Grecian colonists, and had vainly attempted to crush their 
rising greatness ; the invasion of Greece by Xerxes seemed 

* It was upon the occasion of his banishment, that a peasant who 
could not write, and did not know Aristeides personally, applied to him, 
and desired him to write the name of that citizen upon the shell, by 
which his vote was given against him. " Has he done you any wrong," 
said Aristei'des, "that you are for condemning him in this manner'?" — 
" No," replied the peasant, " but I hate to hear him always praised for 
his justice." Aristei'des, without saying a word more, calmly took the 
shell, wrote down his name upon it, and contentedly retired into exile. 



12!) HISTORY OF GREECE. 

to afford them a favourable opportunity ; they entered into 
a close alliance with the Persian monarch, and attacked 
Sicily at the very same moment that he invaded Greece. 
The defeat of the Carthaginians was as signal as that of their 
Asiatic ally ; but it did not occur at a period sufficiently 
early to allow of the colonists parting with any of their 
forces for the defence of the parent state. 

26. Themis'tocles saw that the enemy must be opposed 
by sea as well as by land ; and, to enable him to do this 
with the greater effect, he caused a hundred galleys to be 
built, and turned all his thoughts towards the improvement 
of the navy. The oracle had declared some time before, 
that Athens should defend herself only with wooden walls ; 
and he took advantage of the ambiguity of this reply, to 
persuade his countrymen that by such walls was njeant her 
shipping. The Lacedaemo'nians used equal industry in im- 
proving their navy, so that, upon the approach of Xerx'es, 
the confederates found themselves possessed of a squadron 
of two hundred and eighty sail, the command of which was 
conferred upon Eurybi'ades, a Spartan. 

27. Being unable to cope with the overwhelming numbers 
of the Persians in the open plains, the Greeks resolved to 
confine their military operations to the defence of the few 
passes that are found in the chains of mountains by which 
Hellas is intersected. For this purpose, they sent a strong 
detachment to secure the vale of Tempe', which formed the 
usual road between Macedonia and Thessaly. But having 
soon after discovered that there was another pass at some 
distance, and their army being insufficient to garrison both, 
they retreated southwards, and finally resolved to make their 
first stand at the straits of 1 hermop'ylae, which secured the 
entrance to Phocis and Boeotia. 

28. The command of this important pass was given to 
Leon'idas, one of the kings of Sparta, who led thither a 
body of six thousand men. Of these three hundred only 
were Spartans ; the rest consisted of Bceo'tians, Corinthians, 
Pho'cians, and other allies. This chosen band were taught 
from the beginning to consider themselves as a forlorn hope, 
placed there to check the progress of the enemy, and give 
them a foretaste of the desperate valour of Greece. Nor 
were even oracles wanting to inspire them with enthusiastic 
ardour. It had been declared that, to procure the safety of 
Greece, it was necessary that a king, one of the descendants 
of Her'cules, should die ; and this task was now cheerfully 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 121 

undertaken by Leon'idas, who, when he marched out of 
J.acedsemon, considered himself a willing sacrifice for his 
country. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Did the late defeat of the Persians discourage farther attempts * 

2. Did his successor abandon the idea? 

3. What encouraged him to this ? 

4. Did he hastily engage in this enterprise ? 

5. What advice was given him ? 

6. How were these endeavours received ? 

7. What in the mean time occupied the attention of the Athenians ? 

8. What success did they meet with ? 

9. What means were proposed for its capture or destruction ? 

1 0. What steps did Xerxes take for the accomplishment of his design 1 

1 1 . What was the destination of the fleet and army ? 

12. By what means did he facilitate the passage of his fleet? 

13. Did he not evince a cruel disposition"? 

1 4. Of whom was his army composed ? 

15. What was his naval force, and the whole amount of his armament 1 

16. When did he commence his march ? 

17. What were his feelings on reviewing his troops? 

1 8. What method did he adopt to cross the Hellespont ? 

1 9. What was the fate of this bridge, and the behaviour of Xerxes on 

the occasion ? 

20. Was the bridge repaired ? 

21. What kind of reception did he experience ? 

22. How did Xerxes treat the Grecian spies ? 

23. What was the amount of the Grecian forces ? 

24. Who were the Athenian generals ? 

25. Did the western Greeks assist in this war ? 

26. Were the Greeks provided with fleets ? 

27. Where did they resolve to make their first stand ? 

28. How was Thermopylae garrisoned ? 



SECTION II. 

SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 

A king sat on the rocky brow 

That looks o'er sea-girt Salamis, 
And ships in thousands lay below. 

And men in nations — all were his. 
He counted them at break of day, 
And when the sun set — where were they 1 — Byron. 

1. In the mean time Xerx'es advanced with his immense 
army, the very sight of which, he thought, would terrify 
the Greeks into submission, without his being obliged to 
strike a single blow. 2. Great therefore was his surprise, 
when he found that a few desperate men were determined 
to dispute his passage through the straits of Thermop'ylap, 
Li 



122 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

3. At first he could not believe they would persevere in theL 
resolution ; and he therefore gave them four days to reflect 
on their danger, hoping they would at last think it most pru- 
dent to retire.*^ But when he found them remain immov- 
able in their post, he sent them a summons to deliver up 
their arms. 4. Leon'idas, with a true Spartan contempt 
desired him " to come and take them." And when it was 
observed that the Persian forces were so numerous that their 
very arrows would darken the sun, " Then," replied Die- 
ne'ces, a Spartan, " we shall fight in the shade." 

5. Xerx'es, provoked at these sarcasms, resolved to begin 
the attack immediately. The first assault was made by a 
body of Medes, but these were instantly repulsed with great 
slaughter. A body of ten thousand Persians, commonly 
known by the name of the immortal band, made another 
attempt to dislodge the Grecians, but with no better success 
than the former.f 6. In a word, the Greeks maintained 
their ground against the whole power of the Persian armv 
for two days together : and would probably have maintain- 
ed it much longer, had it not been for the treachery of 
Epial'tes, a Trachin'ian4 who, having deserted to the enemy, 
conducted a body of twenty thousand Persians through 
a by-path across a mountain that overhung the straits. § 

7. Leon'idas, seeing the enemy in this situation, plainly 
perceived that his post was no longer tenable ; he therefore 
advised his allies to retire, and reserve themselves for better 
times, and the future safety of Greece. "As for myself 
and my fellow Spartans," said he, " we are obliged by our 
(aws not to fly : I owe a life to my country, and it is now 
my duty to fall in its defence." The Thes'pians, in number 
about seven hundred, which probably comprised the entire 
strength of that little commonwealth, gallantly resolved 
to share the fate of the Spartans, and four hundred Thebans 
were detained as hostages for the more than doubtful faith 

* As his resentment was directed against the Athenians alone, he was 
in hopes that the other states might be prevailed on to relinquish the 
confederacy : as an inducement so to do, he held out to them many 
allurements, but in vain. 

-j- Xerx'es beheld these reiterated attacks from a lofty eminence, and 
frequently started in wild emotion from his throne, on witnessing the 
havoc made among his troops by the little band of heroes whom he 
had arrogantly commanded to be brought alive into his presence. 

* Trachin'ia was a district in Thessaly. 

§ It was always the unhappy fate of Greece to suffer more from the 
treachery of false friends than from the power of open enemies. 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 123 

of their countrymen. When the rest had retired, Leon'idas 
exhorted his followers, in the most cheerful manner, to pre- 
pare for death. " Come, my fellow-soldiers," says he, 
" let us dine cheerfully here, for to-night we shall sup with 
Pluto." 9. His men, upon hearing his determined purpose, 
set up a loud shout, as if they had been invited to a banquet, 
and resolved every man to sell his life as dearly as he could. 
10. The night now began to advance, and this was thought 
the most glorious opportunity of meeting death in the ene- 
my's camp, as the darkness, by concealing the smallness of 
their numbers, would fill the Persians with greater conster- 
nation. 11. Thus resolved, they made directly to the Per- 
sian tents, and in the silence of night had almost penetrated 
to the royal pavilion, with hopes of surprising the king.* The 
obscurity added to the horror of the scene ; and the Per- 
sians, incapable of distinguishing friend from foe, fell furi- 
ously upon each other, and rather assisted than opposed the 
Greeks. 12. Thus success seemed likely to crown their 
bold but rash enterprise, had not the morning dawn discover- 
ed the smallness of their numbers. They retreated back to 
the straits, and four times repulsed their Persian pursuers ; 
but while the victory was as yet doubtful, the Persian de- 
tachment, which had been intrusted to the guidance of Epial'- 
tes, was seen descending from the hills in their rear. No- 
thing now remained for the defenders of the straits but to 
sell their lives as dearly as possible ; abandoning therefore 
their outer lines of defence, they retreated behind the Pho'- 
cian wall, and there forming themselves into a square, pa- 
tiently awaited the approach of their enemies. The The- 
bans took advantage of this opportunity to put in practice 
their meditated treachery ; they advanced with reversed 
arms to surrender themselves to the Persians, but their ob- 
ject being mistaken, they were received as enemies, and 
very few of them purchased a miserable life by their dis- 
graceful desertion. 13. Mean time, the last stronghold of 
the Greeks was assailed on every side, and yet not a man 
swerved from his post. The wall was at length tumbled 
down — the spears of Uie Greeks were blunted and shivered 
in the protracted contest — Leonidas, their leader, had fallen 
in the attack on the Persian camp, but his body, placed in 

* It may at first seem surprising that they should be able to penetrate 
the Persian camp ; but as the barbarians had neither intrenchments, 
advanced guards, not a watch-word, few obstacles were presented to 
their design. 



124 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the centre of the diminished band was the rallying point of 
his exhausted soldiers. They sunk at last beneath a moun- 
tain of darts, which formed the proudest testimony of their 
valour, and their most suitable monument. 14. Of all the 
band, two only escaped, whose names were Aristode'mus 
and Pan'ites.* They were treated, in consequence, with 
such contempt on their return to Spar'ta, that Pan'ites kill- 
ed himself in despair ; but Aristode'mus bore it with forti- 

ude, and recovered his lost honour by his gallant behaviour 
at the battle of Platae'a. 15. The loss of the Persians on 
this occasion is supposed to have amounted to twenty thou 

and men, among whom were two of the king's brothers.! 

16. The same day on which the battle of Thermop'ylae 
was fought, there was a naval engagement between the fleets 
of Greece and Persia, off the cape of Artemis'ium in Eubce'a, 
in which the former took or sunk thirty of the enemy's ships, 
and forced a hundred and seventy of them to sea, where, by 
stress of weather, they were all soon after either sunk oi 
stranded.:}: 

17. Xerx'es, however, having now passed the straits, 
found nothing capable of opposing his progress in the open 
country ; he therefore directed bis march towards Athens, 
on which he was determined to take signal vengeance. 
18. Themis'tocles, seeing the impossibility of defending 
this place, used all his eloquence and address in persuading 
his countrymen to abandon it for the present; and this he 
was at last able, though with no little difficulty, to effect. 
A decree was therefore passed, by which it was ordained, 
that Athens for a while should be given up in trust to the 
gods, and that all the inhabitants, whether in freedom or 
slavery, should go on board the fleet. 19. The young and 
adventurous set sail for the neighbouring island of Salamis ; 
the old, the women, and children, took shelter at Troeze'ne,§ 

* These men were accidently absent. 

j- Tc perpetuate the memory of this wonderful exertion of valour, two 
monuments were erected. The inscription on one commemorated the 
brave resistance made by a handful of Greeks against millions of Per- 
sians. The other was peculiar to the Spartans, and bore these words : 
" Go, stranger, and tell the Lacedaemonians, that we fell here in obe- 
dience to their divine laws." 

i Previous to the attack of the Greeks, the Persian fleet had suffered 
dreadfully in a storm, in which four hundred galleys, and a great num- 
ber of storeships and transports, were dashed in pieces or sunk. 

§ Now Trizina, a city of Argolis, in European Turkey, not far from 
Corinth. 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 12") 




The remnant of Xerxes' fleet lost at sea. 



the inhabitants of which generously offered them an asylum. 
20. But in this general desertion of the city, that which 
raised the compassion of all was, the great number of old 
men they were obliged to leave in the place, on account of 
their age and infirmities. Many also voluntarily remained 
behind, believing that the citadel, which they had fortified 
with wooden walls, was what the oracle pointed out for 
general safety.* 21. To heighten this scene of distress, the 
matrons were seen clinging with fond affection to the places 
where they had so long resided ; the women filled the streets 
with lamentations ; and even the poor domestic animals 
seemed to take a part in the general concern. It was impos- 
sible to see those poor creatures run howling and crying 
after their masters, who were going on shipboard, without 
being strongly affected. 22. Amongst these, the faithfulness 
of a particular dog is recorded, who jumped into the sea, and 
continued swimming after the vessel which contained his 
master, till he landed at Sal'amis, and died the moment after 
upon the shore.t 

* Themistocles, seeing little hope of defending the city against the 
innumerable host of Xerxes, sent to consult the oracle of Apollo, at 
Delphos. The answer he received was, " Athens can be saved only 
by wooden walls." This he interpreted to mean ships, and acted 
accordingly. 

j- In their haste to embark, the Athenians left the greatest part of 
their furniture and other valuables behind, which perished in the confla- 
gration of the city. By this generous sacrifice, however, they preserved 
that liberty which was dearer to them than life. 
l2 



126 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

23. The few inhabitants that remained behind retired into 
the citadel, where, literally interpreting the oracle, they 
fortified it as well as they could, and patiently awaited the 
approach of the invader. Nor was it long before they saw 
him arrive at their gates, and summon them to surrender. 
This, however, they refused to do, or even to listen to any 
terms he proposed to them. The place was therefore taken 
by assault ; all who were found in it were put to the sword, 
and the citadel reduced to ashes. 

24. While one division of the Persian army was marching 
through Boeo'tia on Athens, a smaller body had been sent to 
plunder the sacred treasury at Del'phi. The inhabitants, 
alarmed by their numbers, consulted the oracle, and were 
told that " the arms of Apollo were sufficient for the defence 
of his shrine." Encouraged by this response, they posted 
themselves in the defiles of mount Parnas'sus, having first 
sent their women and children to a place of safety. 25. The 
Persians, who had often heard of the fame of Delphi, could 
scarcely control their superstitious fears as they approached 
the sacred sanctuary; and a fearful storm which arose as 
they passed through a narrow defile threw them into reme- 
diless consternation. 26. The Del'phians showered rocks 
and trunks of trees from the mountain-tops ; their fie.ce 
shouts mingling with the noise of the storm, and repeated 
by a thousand echoes, completed the terror of the invaders : 
they hasted to fly from the valley in which they were en- 
tangled, but confusion impeded their flight. The Delphians 
charged the disordered multitudes, and slew them by thou- 
sands without meeting any resistance. The miserable rem- 
nant that escaped fled to join the other division at Athens, 
spreading everywhere the news of the divine vengeance, 
by which they supposed that their impious attempt was 
punished. 

27. But though the confederates had been thus obliged 
to abandon Athens to the fury of the enemy, they were by 
no means disposed to let them overrun the whole country. 
They took possession of Peloponne'sus, built a wall across 
the isthmus that joined it to the continent, and committed 
the defence of that important post to Cleom'brotus, the 
brother of Leon'idas. In adopting this measure they were 
unanimous, as being the most prudent that could be em- 
braced : but this was not the case with regard to the opera- 
tions of the fleet. 

Eurybi'ades was for bringing it into the neighbourhood of 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 127 

the isthmus, so that the sea forces might act in conjunction. 
Themis'tocles was of quite a different opinion, and main- 
tained that it would be the height of folly to abandon so 
advantageous a post as that of Sal'amis, where they were 
now stationed. They were now, he said, in possession of . 
the narrow seas, where the number of the enemy's ships 
could never avail them ; that the only hope left the Athe'- 
nians was their fleet, which must not capriciously be given 
up to the enemy. 28. Eurybi'ades, who considered him- 
self as glanced at by this speech, could not contain his 
resentment, but lifted up his cane in a menacing manner. 
"Strike," cried the Athe'nian, "strike, but hear me." 
His moderation and his reasoning prevailed ; and it was 
therefore resolved to await the enemy's fleet at Sal'amis. 

29. Fearful, however, that the confederates might change 
their mind, Themis'tocles had recourse to one of those 
stratagems which mark superior genius. He contrived to 
have it privately intimated to Xerx'es, that the confederates 
were now assembled at Sal'amis, preparing for flight, and 
that it would be an easy matter to attack and destroy them. 

30. The artifice succeeded. Xerx'es gave orders to his 
fleet to block up Sal'amis by night, in order to prevent an 
escape that would have frustrated his hopes of vengeance. 

31. Aristei'des, who commanded a small body of troops 
at iEgi'na,* no sooner heard of the apparently dangerous 
situation of Themis'tocles, than, ignorant of the real cause 
of all these mano3uvres, and actually thinking him in dan- 
ger, he ventured in a small boat by night through the whole 
fleet of the enemy. 32. Upon landing, he repaired to the 
tent of Themis'tocles, and addressed him in the following 
manner: " If we are wise, Themis'tocles, we shall hence- 
forth lay aside all those frivolous and puerile dissensions 
which have hitherto divided us. One strife, and a noble 
one it is, now remains for us, which of us shall be most 
serviceable to our country. It is yours to command as a 
general ; it is mine to obey as a subject; and happy shall 1 
be if my advice can any way contribute to yours and my 
country's glory." He then informed him of the fleet's real 
situation, and warmly exhorted him to give battle without 
delay. 33. Themis'tocles felt all that gratitude which so 
generous and disinterested a conduct deserved ; and eager 
to make a proper return, he immediately let him into all his 
chemes and projects, particularly this last, of suffering 
* A small island near Athens. 



128 HISTORY OF GBEECE. 

liimself to be blocked up. After this they exerted their joint 
influence with the other commanders to persuade them to 
engage ; and accordingly both fleets prepared for battle. 

34. The Grecian fleet consisted of three hundred and 
eighty ships ; that of the Persians was much more nume- 
rous.* But whatever advantage they had in numbers and 
the size of their vessels, they fell infinitely short of the 
Greeks in naval skill, and in their acquaintance with the 
seas where they fought. 35. But it was chiefly on the 
superior abilities of their commanders that the Greeks placed 
their hopes of success. Eurybi'ades had nominally the com- 
mand of the fleet, but Themis'tocles directed all its opera- 
tions. He, knowing that a periodical wind, which would 
be favourable, would soon set in, delayed the attack till that 
time ; and this had no sooner arisen than the signal was 
given for battle, and the Grecian fleet sailed forward in 
exact order. 

36. As the Persians now fought under the eye of their 
sovereign, who beheld the action from a neighbouring pro- 
montory, they exerted themselves for some time with great 
spirit ; but their courage abated when they came to a closer 
engagement. 37. The numerous disadvantages of circum- 
stances and situation then began to appear. The wind blew 
directly in their faces ; the height and heaviness of their 
vessels rendered them unwieldy and almost useless ; and 
even the number of their ships only served to embarrass and 
perplex them in that narrow sea. 38. The Io'nians, mind- 
ful of their Hellenic descent, were far from being anxious 
for a victory that would have enslaved the land of their 
fathers ; in the very first onset many of them fled, while 
others deserted to the Greeks. The Phoenician galleys be- 
ing thus disordered, and their flanks exposed, dashed against 
each other, and crowded into a confused mass, deprived of 
all power of action. The Athenians, with consummate skill, 
increased the confusion by forcing fresh hostile ships into 
the narrow space in which the Phoenicians were entangled. 
And thus, as the poet iEs'chylus, who personally shared in 
the battle, declares, the whole Persian fleet " was caught 
and destroyed like fish in a net." 

39. In the general consternation which this occasioned, 
Artemis'ia, queen of Halicarnass'us,t who had come to the 

* It consisted of more than a thousand vessels. 

■j- Now Nesi, a city of Caria, in Asia Minor. Here was the famous 
mausoleum, erected by Artemis'ia, and accounted one of the seven 
wonders of the world. 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 



129 




Battle of Salamis. 



assistance of Xerx'es with five ships, exerted herself with 
so much spirit, that the monarch was heard to say, his sol- 
diers behaved like women in the conflict, and the women 
like soldiers. Her glory, however, is sullied by the unjus- 
tifiable means which she made use of to escape from the 
fatal strait. The Athenian captain Amei'nias, the brother of 
the poet iEschylus, had distinguished himself above all his 
compeers, by superior skill in the management of his vessel, 
and by the havoc which he made in the hostile fleet. As 
he bore down against the galley of Artemis'ia, the queen, 
aware that resistance would be useless, ordered her pilot to 
run her ship against the galley of a Lycian prince, with 
whom she had been at variance. The Lycian vessel was 
run down, and all on board perished; Amei'nias, conjec- 
turing from this that the queen's ship was one of those that 
had deserted to the Greeks, gave over the pursuit, and Arte- 
mis'ia was enabled to continue her flight in safety. 40. No- 
thing, however, could repair the disorder that had now taken 
place in the Persian fleet. They fled on all sides ; some of 
them were sunk, and more taken ; above two hundred were 
burnt, and all the rest entirely dispersed. 

41. Such was the issue of the battle of Sal'amis, in which 
the Persians received a more severe blow than any they had 
hitherto experienced from Greece. 42. Themis'tocles is 
said to have been so elated with this victory, that he pro- 
posed breaking down the bridge over the Hellespont, and 
thus cutting off the retreat of the enemy ; but from this he 
was dissuaded by Aristei'des, who represented the danger 
of reducing so powerful an army to despair. 



130 HISTORY OF GREECE. 




43. Xerx'es, however, seems to have been so apprehen- 
sive of this step being taken, that after leaving about three 
hundred thousand of his best troops behind him under Mar- 
do'nius, not so much with a view of conquering Greece as 
in order to prevent a pursuit, he hastened back with the rest 
to the Hellespont, where, finding the bridge broken down 
with the violence of the waves, he was obliged to pass over 
in a small boat ; and this manner of leaving Europe, when 
compared with his ostentatious entry, rendered his disgrace 
the more poignant and afflicting. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What expectation did Xerxes entertain ? 

2. Was not this expectation disappointed ? 

3. What steps did he take in consequence ? 

4. What reply was given to his summons ? 

5. What was the consequence of these sarcasms ? 

6. What occasioned the loss of this post ? 

7. What measures did Leonidae adopt in this emergency ' 

8. How did he encourage his little troop ? 

9. How were his exhortations received ? 

10. What time was chosen for this purpose ? 

1 1. How did they commence the attack? 

12. Were they successful ? 

13. What was the fate of Leonidas? 

14. Did any escape the carnage ? 

15. What was the loss of the Persians? 

16. What other memorahle engagement happened on that day ? 






SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 131 

17. Did Xerxes meet with farther opposition? 

18. Was Athens defended 1 

19. Whither did they repair? 

20. What distressing circumstances attended this desertion of the city? 

2 1 . What added to the distress ? 

22. What particular .instance of this is recorded? 

23. What became of those that remained behind? 

21. Against what place was a detachment of the Persians sent * 

25. Why were the Persians daunted in this expedition ? 

26. How was Delphi saved ? 

27. What dispute arose between the Greek naval commanders ? 

28. W T hich opinion prevailed ? 

29. By what stratagem did Themistocles prevent a change of measures t 

30. Did this artifice succeed ? 

3 1 . How did Aristeides act on this occasion ? 

32. What followed ? 

33. How did Themistocles receive this advice ? 

34. What were the respective forces of the opposed parties ? 

35. On what did the Greeks principally rely ? 

36. How did the Persians behave in this engagement ? 

37. What disadvantages did they labour under ? 

38. What events led to the victory being obtained by the Greeks ? 

39. What female distinguished herself in this engagement ? 

40. Did her example restore the battle ? 

11. Was the event of this battle important? 

42. What measure was proposed in consequence? 

43. What became of Xerxes after his defeat ? 



CHAPTER VI. 



FROM THE RETREAT OF XERXES OUT OF GREECE TO THE BATTLE 
OF MYCALE, A. M. 3524. 

There honour comes, a pilgrim gray, 

To bless the turf that wraps their clay ; 

And Freedom shall awhile repair. 

To dwell a weeping hermit there. — Collins. 

1. Nothing could exceed the joy of the Greeks upon the 
victory they had obtained at Sal'amis. It was customary 
after a battle for the commanding officers to declare who had 
distinguished themselves most, by giving in the names of 
such as merited the first and second rewards. On this oc- 
casion, each officer concerned adjudged the first rank to 
himself, but all allowed the second to Themis 'tocles, which 
was, in fact, allowing him a tacit superiority. This was 



132 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

farther confirmed by the Lacedacmo'nians, who carried him 
in triumph to Sparta; and having adjudged the reward of 
valour to their own countryman, Eurybi'ades, adjudged that 
of wisdom to Themis'tocles. 2. They crowned him with 
olive, presented him with a rich chariot, and conducted him 
with three hundred horse to the confines of their state. 
3. But there was a homage paid to him that nattered his 
pride yet more : when he appeared at the Olym'pic games, 
before all the states of Greece assembled, the spectators re- 
ceived him with uncommon acclamations. As soon as he 
appeared, the whole assembly rose up to do him honour ; 
nobody regarded either the games or combatants ; Themis'- 
tocles was the only object worthy their attention. Struck 
with such flattering honours, he could not help exclaiming, 
that he that day reaped the fruits of all his labours. 

4. Mardo'nius, having passed the winter in Thessaly, led 
his forces in the spring into the province of Bceo'tia, and 
thence sent Alexan'der, king of Macedo'nia, with very tempt- 
ing proposals to the Athe'nians, hoping by that means to 
detach them from the general interests of Greece.* 5. He 
offered to rebuild their city, to present them with a consider- 
able sum of money, to allow them to enjoy their laws and 
liberties, and to bestow upon them the government of all 
Greece. 6. The Spartans were afraid that the Athe'nians 
might be prevailed on to accept these proposals ; they there- 
fore sent ambassadors to Athens, in order to dissuade them 
from so base a conduct. 

7. The Athenians rejected the tempting offer of Mardo- 
nius, and severely censured the Spartans for supposing that 
to secure their private interest they would desert the gene- 
ral cause of Greece ; at the same time they entreated their 
allies to join them as speedily as possible, in order to repel 
a second invasion of Attica, which Mardo'nius, irritated at 
the Athenian obstinacy, would probably attempt. 

8. This conjecture was justified by the event. In a few 

* The Thebans, who had perfidiously deserted the common cause, 
added to their baseness by giving Mardo'nius advice, which, had he fol- 
lowed, would more effectually have reduced Greece under his power 
than all the force of his arms. " You have only," said they, " to bribe 
the leading men in the several republics, and you will divide each state 
into factions ; engage them in a civil war ; and when exhausted by mu- 
tual hostilities, they will readily submit to your demands." Instead of 
following this detestable, though prudent advice, Mardo'nius proceeded 
as is related in the text. 






SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 133 

weeks Mardo'nius, having broken up from his winter-quar- 
ters in Thessaly, marched with all his forces directly to- 
wards Attica, where there was neither fortress nor army 
capable of making any resistance. Messenger after mes- 
senger was sent to claim the promised aid of Sparta, but all 
in vain ; that state, with the selfishness which characteiizes 
and disgraces its entire history, neglected every summons. 
They had completed the fortification of the Corinthian isth- 
mus, and having thus provided, as they believed, for the 
security of the Peloponne'sus, they abandoned northern 
Greece to the vengeance of the Persians. 

9. Deserted a second time by the confederates, the Athe- 
nians again retired to Salamis, and witnessed from its shores 
the flames that consumed their houses and temples. Every 
thing that had been spared in the first invasion was destroyed 
in the second ; but still the determination of the Athenians 
was not changed. They even stoned Ly'ciadas, a senator, 
to death, for daring to propose a surrender, and his wife and 
children met with the same fate from the women. 

10. The deputies from Platae'a and Mega'ra united with 
the ambassadors from Athens in reproaching the Spartans 
for their disgraceful abandonment of the common cause. 
The Spartans for some time turned a deaf ear to their com- 
plaints, until at length the Athenians hinted the probability 
of their being compelled to accept the offers of Mardo'nius, 
and pointed out to the Spartans how vain would be the wall 
across the isthmus, when the Persian fleet, united with that 
of Athens, would triumphantly sweep the seas, and harass 
the coast of the Peloponne'sus. They immediately resolved 
to take the field, the different southern states were sum- 
moned to send in their contingents, and Pausa'nias, one of 
the Lacedaemonian kings, was appointed to the command 
of the combined forces. 

11., The Grecian army was now assembled to the number 
of seventy thousand men. Of these five thousand were 
Spartans, attended by thirty-five thousand Helots. The 
Athe'nians amounted to eight thousand, and the troops of 
the allies made up the rest. With this army the Greeks 
resolved to oppose Mardo'nius, though at the head of no 
less than three hundred thousand men. 12. That general, 
fearing to be attacked in the hilly country of At'tica, where 
he could not avail himself of his great superiority of num- 
bers, had lately returned into Boeo'tia, and encamped his 
troops on the banks of the river iEso'pus. 13. Thither he 
M 



134 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

was pursued by the Grecians; but as neither side could 
begin the attack without encountering great disadvantage, 
the two armies continued in sight of each other for the space 
of ten days, both equally eager for battle, and yet both afraid 
to strike the first blow. 

14. It was during this interval that a mutiny had nearly 
arisen in the Grecian army about the post of honour. All 
parties allowed the Spartans the command of the right 
wing ; but the Tegaeans alleged that they were better en- 
titled by their past services to the command of the left than 
the Athe'nians, who now occupied it. 15. This dissension 
might have produced very fatal effects, had it not been for 
the moderation and magnanimity of Aristei'des, who com- 
manded the Athe'nians, and who addressed himself to the 
Spartans and the rest of the confederates in the following 
manner: — " It is not now a time, my friends, to dispute 
about the merits of past services ; for all boasting is vain 
in the day of danger. Let it be the brave man's pride to 
own, that it is not the post or station which gives courage, 
or which can take it away. I head the Athe'nians ; what- 
ever post you shall assign us we will maintain it, and will 
endeavour to make our station, wherever we are placed, the 
post of true honour and military glory. We are come hither 
not to contend with our friends, but to fight with our ene- 
mies ; not to boast of our ancestors, but to imitate them. 
This battle will distinguish the merit of each city; and the 
lowest sentinel will share with his commander the honour 
of the day." 16. This speech determined the council of 
war in favour of the Athe'nians, who thereupon were allowed 
to maintain their former station. 

17. Meanwhile the Grecians, beginning to be straitened 
for want of water, resolved to retreat to a place where they 
might be more plentifully supplied with that necessary 
article. 18. As their removal was in the night, much dis- 
order ensued: and in the morning, Mardo'nius, construing 
their retreat into a flight, immediately pursued them, and 
coming up with them near the little city of Platae'a,* attacked 
them with great impetuosity. 19. His ardour, however, 
was soon checked by the Spartans, who brought up the rear 
of the Grecian army, and who, throwing themselves into a 
phalanx, stood impenetrable and immovable against all the 
assaults of the enemy. At the same time, the Athe'nians, 

* A city of Bneotia, near Mount Cithseron. 



SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. 135 

being informed of the attack, quickly returned, and, after 
defeating a body of Greeks in Persian pay, came to the 
assistance of the Spartans, just as these last had completed 
the overthrow of the enemy. For Mardo'nius, enraged at 
seeing his men give way, rushed into the thickest of the 
ranks in order to restore the battle, and was killed by Aim- 
nes'tus, a Spartan. 20. Upon this, the whole army betook 
themselves to flight. Artaba'zus, with a body of forty thou- 
sand men, fled towards the Hellespont : the rest retreated 
to their camp, and there endeavoured to defend themselves 
with wooden ramparts ; but these being quickly broken 
down, the confederates rushed in upon them with irresisti- 
ble fury, and, eager to rid the country of such terrible 
invaders, sternly refused them quarter, putting upwards of 
a hundred thousand of them to the sword. 21. Thus ended 
the invasion of Greece by the Persians ; nor ever after was 
an army from Persia seen to cross the Hellespont. We 
have already observed that Aristei'des commanded the 
Athenians in this important action ; the Spartans were 
headed by Cleom'brotus ; and Pausa'nias, a Lacedaemonian, 
was the commander-in-chief. 

22. The battle was no sooner over, than the Greeks, to 
testify their gratitude to heaven, caused a statue of Ju'piter 
to be made at the public expense, and placed in his temple 
at Olympia.* On the right side of the pedestal were 
engraved the names of the several nations of Greece that 
were present in the engagement. The Spartans had the 
first place, the Athe'nians the second, and the rest suc- 
ceeded in order.t 

23. The successes of the Greeks were as rapid as they 
were important. On the very evening of the day on which 
the victory at Platae'a was won, another, equally glorious, 
was obtained at Myc'ale, on the coast of Io'nia. 

24. After the defeat of Sal'amis, the remains of the Per- 

* Now Longinico, a city of Elis, where the Olympic games were 
celebrated. 

-f- No sooner had the rites of sepulture been afforded to the slain, trophies 
erected on the field of battle, and grateful offerings presented to the gods, 
than it was unanimously resolved to chastise the perfidious Thebans, 
who had leagued with the enemies of liberty to enslave their country. 
Accordingly the confederate forces marched against that city, resolved to 
raze it to the ground ; but their anger was in some measure appeased 
by the citizens delivering up the traitors who had espoused the Persian 
cause. These were conveyed to Corinth, and sacrificed to the manes of 
those who had fallen in the glorious contest. 



136 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

sian fleet retired to Sa'raos :* but the Greeks lost no tirm 
in pursuing them. The confederates on this occasion werb 
headed by Leotych'ides, the Spartan, and Xanthip'pus, the 
Athe'nian. 25. The Persians were no sooner informed of 
their approach, than, conscious of their own inferiority by 
sea, they drew up their ships upon dry land at Myc'ale, 
and fortified them with a wall and deep trench, while they 
at the same time protected them with an army of sixty 
thousand men, under the command of Tigra'nes. 26. But 
nothing could secure them from the fury of the Grecians, 
who, immediately coming on shore, and dividing themselves 
into two bodies, the Athe'nians and Corin'thians advanced 
directly on the plain, while the Lacedaemo'nians fetched a 
compass over hills and precipices, in order to take posses- 
sion of a rising ground. 27. But before these last arrived, 
the former had entirely put the enemy to flight, and, on 
being joined by the Spartans, soon forced their way through 
the Persian ramparts, and set all their ships on fire ; so that 
nothing could be more complete than the victory now ob- 
tained. Tigra'nes, the Persian general, with forty thousand 
of his men, lay dead on the field of battle ; the fleet was 
destroyed ; and of the great army which Xerx'es brought 
into Europe, scarcely a single man remained to carry back 
the news of its defeat. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What followed the victory of Salamis, and to whom were the great- 

est honours paid ? 

2. What marks of distinction did they bestow on him ? 

3. What was the most flattering homage he received ? 

4. What steps did Mardonius take ? 

5. What were those offers ? 

6. Was this pleasing to the allies ? 

7. What reply was made to the proposal ? 

8. What was the consequence of this rejection ? 

9. Did misfortune incline the Athenians to listen to terms ? 

10. What was the conduct of the Spartans'? 

11. What was the respective strength of the armies? 

12. Whither did Mardonius retire] 

13. Did the Grecians follow him 1 

14. What happened in this interval ? 

15. Who prevented the further progress of this misunderstanding? 

16. What was the consequence of this speech? 

17. What measures did the Grecians adopt? 

An island in the Archipelago. 



REBUILDING OF ATHENS. 137 

IS. What was the consequence 7 

19. "Was the attack successful ? 

20. Did his death decide the fortune of the day 1 

21. What was the result of this victory 1 

22. How did the Greeks evince their gratitude to heaven for their 

success 1 

23. Were not the Greeks victorious in another quarter 1 

24. Relate the particulars. 

25. By what means did the Persians attempt to defend themselves ] 

26. Did these precautions avail them ] 
*7. What was the result of this attack 1 



C B.C. 

£ 478. 



CHAPTER VII. 

FROM THE VICTORY OF MYCALE TO THE PEACE CONCLUDED BE- 
TWEEN THE GREEKS AND PERSIANS. 

SECTION I. 

And grieve not if the sons of strife 
With calumny assail thy life. 

And shade its brightest scenes; 
Wretches, by kindness unsubdued. 
Who see. who share the public good, 

But cavil at the means. — E. Moore. 

1. No sooner were the Greeks freed from the 
apprehensions of a foreign foe, than they began to 
entertain jealousies of each other ; and the first symptoms 
of this dangerous spirit appeared in a misunderstanding that 
took place between the Athe'nians and Spartans. 2. The 
former, with their families, being returned to their own 
country, began to rebuild the city: and as its late state of 
weakness had rendered it so easy a prey to the Persians, 
they now formed a plan for strengthening and extending the 
walls, and giving it for the future a greater degree of secu- 
rity. 3. This excited the jealousy of the Lacedaemo'nians, 
who could not bear to see any of the other states of Greece 
upon an equal footing with themselves. They therefore 
sent ambassadors to dissuade the Athe'nians from this 
undertaking : but being ashamed to avow their real motive, 
they alleged the great detriment which these fortifications 
would prove to the general interests of Greece, if ever they 
should fall into the hands of the enemy. 4. Themis'tocles, 
who then guided the councils of Athens, at once saw through 
their design, and resolved to meet their duplicity with equal 
dissimulation. He therefore told them that the Athe'nians 
would soon send an embassy to Sparta, and fully satisfy all 
their scruples: and having procured himself to be chosen 
for this purpose, he by studied delays kept the Spartans in 
m2 



138 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

suspense until the works were completely finished.* 5. He 
then holdly threw off the mask, and declared that Athens 
was now in a condition to defend herself against any enemy, 
either foreign or domestic ; that what she had done was 
perfectly consistent with the law of nations and the common 
interests of Greece ; and added, that if any violence were 
offered to his person, the Athe'nians would retaliate upon 
the Spartan ambassadors who were now in their hands. 
6. In consequence of this spirited conduct, the ambassadors 
on both sides were suffered quietly to depart; and Themis'- 
tocles, upon his arrival in Athens, was received as if he had 
been returning from a triumph. 

7. The confederates, being thus left at liberty to turn their 
arms against their foreign foes, instead of drawing their 
swords against one another, fitted out a powerful fleet. 
Pausa'nias commanded the Spartans ; the Athe'nians were 
conducted by Aristei'des, and Ci'mon the son of Milti'ades. 
They first directed their course to the isle of Cy'prus,! 
where they set all the cities free ; but from some unknown 
cause, the authority of the Persians was soon re-established 
in that island. Then, steering towards the Hellespont, 
they attacked the city of Byzan tium4 of which they made 
themselves masters; and, besides the vast quantity of plun- 
der which they found in it, took a great number of prisoners, 
many of whom were of the richest and most considerable 
families of Persia. 8. But whatever the Greeks gained upon 
this occasion in fame and authority, they lost in the purity 
and simplicity of their manners. The deluge of wealth 
poured in upon them from this quarter naturally tended to 
corrupt their minds ; and from this time forward, neither 
the magistrates nor the people valued themselves, as for- 
merly, on their personal merit, but merely on account of 
their riches and possessions. The Athe'nians, being a polite 
people, bore this change for some time with tolerable mode- 
ration ; but the contagion immediately broke out among the 
Spartans with all its native virulence. 9. It seems to have 
inspired Pausa'nias, who was naturally of a haughty and 
imperious temper, and who had forfeited the good opinion 

* To accomplish this important undertaking, every person, without 
distinction, was employed in the work ; women, children, strangers, and 
slaves were not exempt from their share of the labour; nor was it dis- 
continued, night or day, till it was completely finished. 

j- An island in the Mediterranean. 

i Now Constantinople, the capital of the Turkish empire. 



CONSPIRACY OF TAUSANIAS. 139 

not only of the neighbouring states, bat also of his own 
subjects, with the ambitious hopes of raising himself to a 
still higher rank.* He offered to deliver up Sparta, and 
even all Greece, to Xerx'es, provided that prince would give 
him his daughter in marriage. 10. How long this conspi- 
racy was carried on is uncertain : Pausa'nias was twice tried, 
and twice acquitted for want of sufficient evidence against 
him. The wicked means which he took to conceal his 
guilt at length became the cause of his detection. A slave 
whom he had employed to convey a letter to one of the 
Persian satraps, remembering that no former messengers 
had returned, opened the despatch, and found that it con- 
tained orders to put him to death, as the best means of 
ensuring his secrecy. He conveyed the letter without delay 
to the Spartan magistrates, who immediately made every 
preparation for completing the proofs of the guilt of Pausa'- 
nias previous to his arrest. 11. But just as the Eph'ori 
were upon the point of seizing him, he took refuge C b.c. 
in the temple of Miner'va, where, the sanctity of £ 475. 
the place preventing his being dragged forth, the people 
blocked up the entry with large stones, and tearing off the 
roof, left him to die of cold and hunger.t Thus perished 
the man who had led on the troops of Greece to victory in 
the battle of Platae'a. 

12. The fate of Pausa'nias soon after involved that of 
Themis'tocles, who had some time before been banished, 
and lived in great esteem at Ar'gos.J 13. The occasion of 
his banishment was this : he had built near his house a tem- 
ple in honour of Dian'a, with this inscription, " To Dian'a, 
the goddess of good counsel ;" thereby insinuating the bene- 
fit his counsels had been of to his country, and the little 
gratitude his fellow-citizens had shown in rewarding them. 
14. He was now accused, not only of having been privy to 
the designs of Pausa'nias, without revealing them to the 
state — which part of the charge, indeed, seems to have been 
well founded — but likewise of having approved and favoured 

* One proof of his arrogance was, his causing to be engraved on the 
golden tripod presented at Delphi by the confederate states of Greece, 
the fotlowing inscription : " Pausanias, general of the Greeks, having 
destroyed the Persian army, dedicated this memorial to Apollo." This 
was afterwards erased, and a new inscription engraved by order of the 
Spartan government. 

-f- It is said that the first stone was placed by his own mother. 

i A city in the Morea, the capital of the ancient kingdom of Argos. 



140 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

those designs ; a crime of which it appears he was altogether 
guiltless. 15. The Spartans, however, who had always 
been his enemies, now declared themselves his accusers 
before the assembly of the people of Athens : and those of 
his countrymen who had formerly either dreaded his power 
or envied his popularity, joined in the general charge against 
him. 16. By these means the people were wrought up to 
such a degree of rage, that they clamoured for his death 
with great vehemence; and persons were actually sent to 
seize and bring him before the general council of Greece. 
17. Fortunately, however, he had notice of their design, and 
saved himself by a precipitate flight. He first took refuge 
in the island of Corcy'ra.* Thence he repaired to the court 
of Adme'tus, king of the Molos'sians ;t but that prince not 
being able to afford him any long or certain protection, he 
at last went over to Sardis, where, throwing himself pros- 
trate before the Persian monarch,! he boldly declared his 
name, his country, and his misfortunes. 

18. "I have done," cried he, " my ungrateful country 
services more than once ; and I am now come to offer those 
services to you. My life is in your hands ; you may now 
exert your clemency, or display your vengeance. By the 
former you will preserve a faithful suppliant ; by the latter 
you will destroy the greatest enemy of Greece." 19. The 
king made him no answer at this audience, though he was 
struck with admiration at his eloquence and intrepidity; but 
he soon gave loose to his joy for the event. 20. He told 
his courtiers that he considered the arrival of Themis'tocles 
as a very happy incident; and wished that his enemies would 
always pursue the same destructive policy of banishing from 
among them the good and wise. 

21. He gave him the revenues of three cities for his 
support, § and maintained him in the utmost affluence and 
splendour.H It is said, that such was his interest at the 
Persian court, and so great was the estimation in which he 
was held by all ranks of the people, that one day at table 

* Now Corfu, in the Mediterranean. 

j- A people of Molos'sia, now Pundo'sia, in Epi'rus. 

t Artaxerxes Longimanus, so called from the extreme length of his 
hands. 

§ Magne'sia, Lamp'sachus, and My'us, in Asia Minor. 

II So great was the joy of Artaxerx'es on seeing Themis'tocles at his 
court, that he could not help repeatedly exclaiming, even in his sleep, 
" I have got Themis'tocles the Athenian." 



BANISHMENT OF THEMISTOCLES. 



141 




Themistocles taking refuge wilh the king of Persia. 



he observed to his wife' and children, who sat near him, 
" Children, we should certainly have been ruined, if we had 
not formerly been undone." 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Did these victories promote harmony among the Greeks] 

2. What gave rise to this spirit 1 

3. What effect had this on the Lacedaemonians 1 

4. Did the Athenians hearken to their persuasions? 

5. What conduct did Themistocles adopt 1 

6. What was the consequence of this boldness 1 

7. What farther measures were adopted ? 

8. What were the consequences of this success 1 

9. Who among the Spartans felt the influence of prosperity most 7 

10. Did Pausanias carry on his treason with impunity 1 

1 1. What was his fate 1 

12. Was any one else involved in his ruin 1 

13 What occasioned the banishment of Themistocles 1 

14. Of what was he now accused 1 

15. By whom was he accused 1 

16. What was the consequence? 

17. Did they accomplish their purpose 1 

18. How did Themistocles address the Persian 

19. What reception did he experience 1 

20. How did he express himself on the occasion ? 

21. In what way did he farther evince his satisfaction 1 



142 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

SECTION II. 

SECOND PERSIAN WAR. 

Voices from thy country's vines 

Met thee mid 5 t I lie alien pines ; 

And thy true heart would not itay, 

And thy spirit died away. — Mrs. Hcmans. 

I. But nothing could erase from the breast of Themis - 
tocles the love he entertained for his country. Indeed the 
spirit of patriotism appears to have prevailed among the 
Greeks in a higher degree than among any other people. 
2. This was no doubt owing to the violent struggles they 
had been obliged to make in defence of their country. And 
perhaps it will be found, that the value we set upon any 
thing is always in proportion to the pains we have taken in 
acquiring or preserving it. 3. When Artaxerx'es, therefore, 
proposed fitting out an expedition against Athens, and 
intrusting the command of it to Themis'tocles, that patriot, 
rather than carry arms against the place of his nativity, put 
an end to his own life by poison. 

4. In the mean time, Aristei'des, instead of exciting the 
jealousy of his countrymen by ambitious and interested 
views, continued every day to acquire a larger share of their 
esteem and veneration by his integrity and love of justice. 
5. So great indeed was his character in this respect, that 
when it was deliberated among the states of Greece who 
was the most proper person to be intrusted with the care of 
the public treasure, all eyes were fixed upon him as the most 
upright man to be found in the country ; and his discharge 
of this important office, to which he was immediately 
appointed, served to confirm the high opinion the world 
already entertained of him. 6. His merit in this particular 
was so much the greater, as he himself was extremely poor ; 
though it appears that he was voluntarily so, as the follow- 
ing incident will evince. 7. Callias, an intimate friend and 
relation of his, being summoned before the judges for some 
offence, one of the chief objections urged against him was, 
that while he rolled in affluence and luxury, he suffered his 
friend and relation, Aristei'des, to remain in poverty and 
want. But Callias appealing to Aristei'des himself, it 
appeared that he had generously offered to share his fortune 
with him, which the other had absolutely refused to accept , 
asserting, that he only might be said to want, who permitted 
his appetites to transgress the bounds of his income ; while 



SECOND PERSIAN WAR. 143 

he who could be satisfied with a little, rendered himself like 
the gods, who want for nothing. 

8. In this manner he lived, just in his public, and inde- 
pendent in his private capacity, universally esteemed and 
beloved by all who knew him. History does not acquaint 
us with the time or place of his death ; but it bears the most 
glorious testimony to his character in telling us that he who 
had had the absolute disposal of the public treasures died 
poor. 9. It is even asserted that he did not leave money 
enough behind him to defray the expense of his funeral, but 
that the government was obliged to bear the charge of it, and 
to maintain his family. His daughters were portioned, and 
his son subsisted, at the expense of the public ; and some 
of his grandchildren were supported by a pension equal to 
that bestowed upon the victors at the Olym'pic games. 

10. The first man who began to make a figure at Athens, 
after the death of Themis'tocles and Aristei'des, was Cimon, 
the son of Milti'ades. 11. In his earlier years he had led a 
very dissolute life : but Aristei'des perceiving in him, amidst 
all his dissipation, the seeds of many great and good quali- 
ties, advised him to change his conduct, and to raise his mind 
from the pursuit of low and ignoble pleasures, to the ambi- 
tion of directing the affairs of the state. 12. He did so, 
and in a little time became equal to his father in courage, to 
Themis'tocles in sagacity, and not much inferior to his 
instructer himself in integrity. 12. His first military 
operations were directed against the coast of Thrace, whose 
conquest was greatly facilitated by the previous capture of 
Byzantium. The only places that made an obstinate 
resistance were Amphip'olis and Ei'on, both situated on the 
river Stry'mon. Amphipolis was captured and given to an 
Athenian colony ; but Bo'ges, the governor of Eion, sooner 
than surrender, persuaded the garrison to sacrifice their wives 
and children, and to cast themselves and their property into 
a funeral pile, where he and they madly perished in the 
flames. 

14. With this single act of despair terminated the C b. c. 
dominion of the Persians in Europe, and the victors £ 470. 
rext directed their course to Asia, eager to restore liberty to 
.he Greek colonies there. Artaxerxes, the third son of the 
nvader of Greece, was too much occupied in quelling 
-lomestic sedition, to make any effectual resistance to this 
invasion. Ca'ria and Ly'cia were subdued after a slight 
resistance, and the victorious army prepared for the invasion 



144 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

of Pam'phylia. Artaxerxes, having at length subdued all 
the competitors for his throne, directed his attention to the 
protection of his empire. A powerful army was assembled 
on the banks of the Eurym'edon, and a fleet of four hun- 
dred sail, chiefly collected from Cili'cia and Phoenicia, was 
assembled at the mouth of the same river. 

15. The hostile fleets met off the coast of Cy'prus, and 
the Persians, confident in their superior numbers, were 
eager to engage, and the Greeks, elated by former victories, 
met them with equal vigour. After a fierce engagement, the 
Persians were totally defeated ; many of their ships were 
sunk ; a hundred were taken, and the remainder fled to the 
harbours of Cyprus, whither they were pursued by the 
victors. The terrified crews, being closely pressed, aban- 
doned their vessels, and thus in one day the navy of Greece 
was strengthened by the capture of nearly three hundred ships. 

16. The number of prisoners exceeded twenty thousand. 
This circumstance, and the brief duration of the contest, 
suggested to the active mind of Ci'mon a stratagem which 
was put in execution on the evening of the same day. He 
stripped the prisoners of their robes, and, clothing his best 
soldiers in their attire, proceeded in the Persian galleys to 
the river Eurym'edon, where the news of the late battle had 
not yet arrived. The unsuspecting Persians saw them land 
without distrust, and prepared to receive them as their long- 
expected companions. But they were soon fatally unde- 
ceived ; on a concerted signal the Greeks, drawing their 
swords, fell with resistless fury on their astonished enemies ; 
unarmed, surprised, and broken, the Persians fell or fled on 
every side ; and before night had quite closed in, the army 
of Artaxerxes had shared the same fate as his navy had ex- 
perienced earlier in the day. 

17. The plunder of the Persian camp amounted to an 
immense sum ; one-tenth was dedicated to Apollo, and a 
large proportion was given to Cimon, which he laid out in 
beautifying and adorning his native city. The war con- 
tinued twenty-one years longer, but was for the most part 
confined to predatory expeditions. The Athenians, under 
the guidance of Per'icles, had the art to persuade the mari- 
time confederates to pay an annual sum of money for the 
maintenance of the fleet. This contribution, at first volun- 
tary, was soon converted into a tax, of which the Athenians 
claimed the sole management, and which they applied to 
serve their own interests. 



SECOND PERSIAN AVAR. 145 

18. The conquest of the island of Cyprus, so remarkable 
for the fertility of its soil and its excellent commercial situ- 
ation, next engaged the attention of the Athenians. But 
they were diverted from this object by their desire to assist 
the Egyptians, who had thrown off the Persian yoke, and 
petitioned for the aid of the republic, in maintaining their 
independence. 19. The expedition destined against Cyprus 
was ordered to sail to Egypt; and the insurgents, thus rein- 
forced, obtained several brilliant victories. At length Me- 
gaby'zus, the bravest general of Persia, was sent with over- 
whelming forces against the insurgents, whom he forced to 
raise the siege of Memphis, and to retreat with their allies 
to the island of Proso'pis in the Nile, where they were be- 
sieged in their turn. Megaby'zus soon after diverted the 
waters of the river into another channel, and thus opened a 
passage to the island ; a proceeding which so astonished the 
Egyptians, that they surrendered at discretion. The Greeks, 
however, still held out, and obtained from the generosity or 
fears of Megaby'zus a capitulation, by which they were 
permitted to retire with their arms to Cyre'ne, a Greek 
colony in Africa. 

20. Most of these brave men perished by disease and 
fatigue, in traversing the Libyan deserts ; and to complete 
the disaster, a fleet of sixty Athenian ships, which had been 
sent to assist the revolters, was surrounded by the Phceni- 
nian navy, and destroyed near the spot which had already 
proved so fatal, though so honourable, to their countrymen. 

21. This misfortune and the internal commotions of 
Greece prevented the Athe'nians from undertaking any new 
enterprise for nearly seven years. At length they resolved 
on subduing Cyprus, and thither Cimon was sent with a 
fleet of two hundred galleys. In this last campaign C B.C. 
the son of Miltiades more than maintained his former { 449. 
fame. He defeated the combined fleets of Cili'cia and Phce- 
ni'cia, and captured one hundred galleys ; he took the cities 
of Male'a and Cit'ium, two of the strongest in the island, 
and though disabled by a wound at the siege of the latter 
place, laid siege to Sal'amis, a city said to have been founded 
in Cyprus by Ieu'cer, the brother of A'jax. Artaxerxes 
became now seriously anxious to obtain peace, and Cimon, 
who had always opposed negotiations with Persia, having 
died of his wounds, a treaty was concluded, on terms the 
most honourable to Greece. 

22. It was stipulated that all the Greek cities in Asia 

N 



146 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

should be free ; that no Persian army should come within 
three days' march of the coast ; and that no Persian vessel 
should appear between the Cya'nean rocks, which lie at the 
northern extremity of the Thracian Bos'phorus, and the 
Chelido'nian islands, situated at the southern extremity ol 
Lycia : thus excluding them from the entire iEgean sea. 
Such was the conclusion of this memorable war, which, 
with little interruption, had lasted for half a century. The 
same magnanimous republic that first dared to brave the re- 
sentment of the greatest empire in the world, had the honoui 
of prescribing the conditions of peace ; an important era in 
Grecian history, which the Athe'nians ever after contem- 
plated with pride, though they never attempted to emulate 
its glory. 



Questions for Examination, 

1. Did Themistocles league with the enemies of his country ? 

2. To what was the patriotism of the Greeks chiefly owing ? 

3. How did Themistocles evince his patriotism ? 

4. How did Aristeides conduct himself? 

5. What proof was given of the estimation in which he was held ? 

6. What enhanced his merit ? 

7. Was Aristeides voluntarily poor ? 

8. What testimony does history bear to his character ? 

9. What proofs of his poverty have been related ? 

10. Who became the head of the republic after Aristeides? 

11. What was the character of Cimon in early life ? 

12. Did he follow the advice of Aristeides ? 

13. What cities did Cimon subdue in Europe ? 

14. Did he obtain any signal successes in Asia ? 

15. How was the Persian fleet destroyed? 

16. By what means did Cimon obtain a victory both by sea and land 

on the same day ? 

17. How was Athens enriched by this war ? 

18. What diverted the Athenians from attacking Cyprus? 

19. How did the war in Egypt terminate ? 

20. What losses did the Athenians sustain in the Egyptian expedition ? 

21. How was the Persian king forced to sue for peace ? 

22. On what conditions was peace made ? 



DISSENSIONS IN GREECE. 147 

CHAPTER VIII. 

FROM THE PEACE WITH PERSIA TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS. 

SECTION II. 

1 have had those earthly visions 
And noble a>piraiions in my youth, 
To make my own the mind of other men. 
The enlightener of nations ; and to rise 
I know not whither — it might be to fall. — Byron. 

1 . The war between Greece and Persia had checked with 
out destroying the mutual jealousies between the leading 
states, and when the power of their adversaries had been 
crushed at the decisive battles of Mycale and the Eurym'- 
edon ; Sparta, Argos, and Thebes began to look with envy 
on the glory that Athens had obtained by these immortal 
victories. The Spartans in particular were enraged with 
themselves for having withdrawn so early from a war so 
productive of fame and profit to their rivals ; they were still 
more indignant, because the maritime states, disgusted with 
the pride and tyranny of P.ausa'nias, had withdrawn them- 
selves from the protection of Lacedsemon, and chosen Athens 
as their guardian and their head. Twenty years before the 
peace with Persia the Spartans had determined to make war 
on the Athenians, but unexpected calamities engaged their 
attention at home, and brought their state to the very brink 
of destruction. 

2. Laco'nia was laid waste by one of the most C B.C. 
dreadful earthquakes recorded in history ; the city \ 469. 
of Sparta was tumbled into ruins, and twenty thousand of 
the inhabitants were destroyed. The descendants of the 
Messenians thought this a favourable opportunity to recover 
their independence ; the Helots believed that the moment 
for recovering their liberty was arrived ; both united in rais- 
ing the standard of rebellion ; and, seizing on the strong 
fortress of Itho'me, they spread terror through all Laconia. 
3. This revolt, which is usually called the third Messenian 
war, compelled the Spartans, much against their will, to 
solicit the assistance of the Athenians, who were considered 
the most skilful of all the Greeks in conducting sieges. 
Their request was granted; but the strength of Itho'me 
baffled their united efforts, and the auxiliaries were sent 
home. This war continued ten years, and must have 
greatly exhausted the Spartan state, since at its conclusion 



148 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

very favourable terms were granted to the insurgents. 4. It 
b.c. > was stipulated, that they shoutd be allowed to depart 
489. 5 with their wives, children, and property, unmolested, 
from the Peloponnesus. 5. The Athenians received the 
exiles with great kindness, and bestowed on them the city 
of Naupac'tus, a sea-port on the Crissean gulf, which they 
had a short time before taken from the Lo'cri Oz'olae. The 
fugitives repaid the generosity of Athens by the most de- 
voted attachment ; nor had that city a more faithful ally 
than Naupactus during the subsequent wars. 

6. It has been already mentioned, that Argos had not 
assisted in the defence of Greece against the Persians, and 
that Thebes had actually assisted the invaders ; the subordi- 
nate states of Argolis and Bceotia threw off their allegiance 
to these capitals, and refused to submit any longer to states 
disgraced by cowardice and treachery. The Argives, after 
some vain struggles, could only succeed in subduing the 
little city of Myce'nae, which they razed to the ground ; 
the other communities, being supported by the Spartans 
succeeded in maintaining their independence. But though 
it was the interest of the Lacedaemonians to maintain the 
freedom of the Argive states, it seemed equally advantageous 
to support the supremacy of Thebes over the Bceo'tian states, 
and raise up a rival to Athens in Hellas. 7. A body of 
Spartan auxiliaries was sent to the assistance of the The- 
bans ; and the Athenians at the same time vigorously main- 
tained the cause of the minor states. A body of fifteen 
thousand men, under the command of the Athenian general 
Myron'ides, totally defeated the combined forces of the 
Thebans and Spartans at Tanag'ra, and thus established the 
independence of Bceo'tia. 8. The war was however con- 
tinued for some time longer : the Athenian fleet ravaged the 
coasts of the Peloponnesus, and made the Spartans lament 
that they had so rashly provoked the resentment of that 
republic. But in the midst of these triumphs, a rash attempt 
of the Athenian general, Tol'midas, to surprise Thebes, 
having terminated in his death, and the capture of his army, 
B.C. } both parties became anxious for an accommodation. 
445. 5 A truce was concluded for thirty years ; for the pre- 
tensions and jealousies of the rival states prevented them 
from agreeing to a regular treaty. 

9. Ci'mon during his life used every exertion to restore 
and preserve peace between Athens and Sparta : he was at 



DISSENSIONS IN GREECE. 149 

the head of the nobility, whose assistance, added to nis own 
military glory, made him at first the most influential man in 
the state. But he soon met with a formidable rival in Per'i- 
cles, the greatest statesman of antiquity. Though descended 
from an illustrious family, he placed himself at the head of 
the popular party, and by his superior eloquence " wielded 
at will that fierce democracy." Though his military fame 
did not equal that of Cimon, he was second only to that 
illustrious general in the art of war : but in political skill 
Pericles was unequalled, and even had sufficient influence 
to procure the temporary banishment of his rival. The 
Boeotian war had been undertaken and prosecuted under his 
direction, and he concluded the truce only to obtain leisure 
for the completion of still greater designs. 

10. The island and colonies had, as we have already seen, 
imposed a tax on themselves for the support of the war 
against Persia, which the Athenians had converted into a 
regular tribute. The states soon became weary of such an 
usurpation, and attempted to throw off the yoke ; but not 
acting in concert, they were successively subdued and treated 
with great severity. They were obliged to surrender their 
ships, to demolish their walls, to receive an Athenian gar- 
rison into their citadels, to deliver up the authors of the 
revolt, and send hostages to Athens as pledges of their future 
fidelity. Sa'mos, the capital of the island of that name, was 
the last that held out. After a siege of nine months, C b.c. 
it was taken by Pericles, and the inhabitants reduced I 440. 
to slavery. It is said that Per'icles treated the conquered 
with great cruelty ; but the charge rests on very doubtful au- 
thority. The Athenians, however, did not make a very 
moderate use of their victory, and the pressure of their go- 
vernment on the conquered states was increased rather than 
mitigated, after the revolt had been suppressed. Athenian 
magistrates were sent to govern the cities, and Athenian gar- 
risons occupied the fortresses. Additional taxes were levied, 
and the public lands confiscated ; the states were obliged to 
submit, not only their mutual differences, but their domestic 
disputes, and even private lawsuits, to the Athenian assem- 
blies and tribunals. By this complete establishment of the 
supremacy of Athens over the islands and maritime states, 
Per'icles was enabled, in the space of ten years, to bring into 
the treasury a sum of nearly two millions sterling. But this 
power could not, from its nature, be long maintained ; for 
n2 



150 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 




Parthenon in its present condition. 



Athens, from henceforth, was envied by its neighbours and 
detested by its tributaries. 

11. The riches that Pericles obtained in these expeditions 
were faithfully laid out in increasing the navy and ornament- 
ing the city of Athens. The Par'thenon* and Propylee'a, 
the most magnificent structures of ancient times, were erected 
and ornamented with the noblest specimens of sculpture and 
painting ; the excellent harbour of Pei'rseus, which Themis'- 
tocles had commenced, was completed, and joined to the city 
by a line of fortifications called the long walls. In short, 
Athens had reached the summit of her greatness, and was in- 
disputably the most powerful, the most glorious, but at the 
same time the most envied of the Grecian states. 

12. While a general and growing jealousy against Athens 
was becoming daily more apparent, a dispute arose between 
Co'rinth and one of its colonies, which eventually involved 
all Greece in a general war. The island of Corcy'ra, now 
called Corfu, was celebrated for its riches and fertility, even 
in the days of Homer.f It had received a colony from 
Co'rinth, but was always treated by that state more as an 
ally than as a dependency. As their riches and power 
increased, the Corcyreans gradually threw off their allegi- 
ance to the parent state, and even disputed the place of 
honour with the Corin'thians at the Olympic games. They 
also sent out colonies of their own, and had several esta- 
blishments on the shores of the Adriatic sea. Of these, the 
most flourishing was Epidam'nus, (called Dyracchium in 
Roman History,) a city which they founded in Illyria. The 
barbarous tribes in the vicinity of Epidam'nus had made 

nroads into its territory, and the citizens being unable to 

* See Introduction, chap II. 

t It is called Phceacia by Homer. 



FIRST PELOPOXNESIAN WAR. 151 

repel the invaders, applied for assistance to the parent state ; 
but their entreaties being neglected, they applied to the 
Corin'thians, who forthwith sent out a large expedition, and 
took military possession of the colony. 13. The { b. c. 
Corcy'reans were inflamed with fury when they ( 453. 
learned that the Corin'thians had interfered in the affairs of 
their colony. They immediately sent a fleet of forty sail 
against Epidam'nus, and closely blockaded the city. The 
Corinthians, on the other hand, prepared a powerful arma- 
ment for its protection ; but their navy was defeated in a 
fierce engagement near Ac'tium,* in the Ambra'cian gulf, 
and Epidam'nus, being left to its own resources, was forced 
to surrender. 

14. The Corey reans, inflamed with success, continued for 
two years to make repeated incursions into the territories of 
Co'rinth and the southern states, with which that city was in 
alliance, until at length most of the Peloponne'sian states 
entered into a league for their chastisement. As Athens was 
then the most formidable naval power in Greece, both parties 
endeavoured to procure her assistance ; and after some deli- 
beration, the Athenians, by the advice of Pericles, entered 
into a defensive treaty with the Corey reans. 15. By the 
timely interference of the Athe'nian fleet, the Corcyrean 
navy was saved from total destruction, after having ( b. c. 
been severely defeated by the Corin'thians ; and the ( 432. 
victors were forced to return home with their prisoners, en- 
raged at the power which had prevented them from reaping 
the fruits of their triumph. The Corcyrean prisoners were 
treated at Co'rinth more like brothers than rebels ; we shall 
hereafter see how fatal were the consequences of this gene- 
rosity to their native country. 

16. The Corin'thians, who dreaded the vengeance of the 
Athe'nians for the part that they had taken in the war, were 
not long in finding other employment for the forces of the 
rival republic. On referring to the map, the reader will see 
a wide-necked peninsula on the east coast of Macedonia, be- 
tween the Strymon'ic and Therm'aic gulfs ; this had been at 
a very early period occupied by several Grecian colonies, all 
of whom Athens had forced to become her tributary con- 
federates. Among these was Potidsea, which had been ori- 
inally a Corinthian colony ; its citizens became weary of 

* Four hundred years after this engagement, a still more celebrated 
battle was fought near the same place, between the fleets of Antony 
and Augustus. 



152 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the Athe'nian yoke, and waited only for assistance from the 
parent state, to assert their independence. A body of forces 
being sent from Co'rinth under the command of Aristeus, the 
Potidseans were emboldened to declare themselves free, and 
to set the power of Athens at defiance. 17. The Athe'nians 
immediately blocked up Pot'idcea by sea and land, while the 
Corin'thians sent ambassadors to all the Peloponne'sian 
states, and especially to Sparta, urging the formation of a 
confederacy, to check a power whose increasing strength and 
pretensions threatened the independence of all the Grecian 
communities. 

18. The deputies of another state, complaining of Athe'- 
nian injustice, had previously arrived in Sparta. We have 
already seen the circumstances under which the Dor'ic state 
of Megaris had been formed on the borders of Attica ; their 
Ionic neighbours had always regarded them with jealousy, 
and Per'icles even went so far as to propose and carry a law, 
excluding all the natives of Mega' ra from the ports and mar- 
kets of Attica. To the Spartans, as the head of the Dor'ic 
race, the Megareans made their complaint, and dwelt strongly 
on this as a proof of the inveterate hostility which all mem- 
bers of their branch of the Hellenic race should expect from 
the Ionians. 

19. The Spartans, after some hesitation, declared that the 
Athe'nians had violated their duty, and ought to be reduced 
to reason ; but wishing to preserve the appearance of mode- 
ration, they sent overtures for an accommodation to Athens, 
which they well knew would be indignantly rejected. They 
required that the siege of Pot'idsea should be raised ; the 
decree against Mega'ra repealed, the independence of the 
islands acknowledged, and the descendants of those who had, 
in the almost forgotten* affair of Cylon, violated the sanctuary 
of Minerva, banished from the city. 20. The last singular 
clause was particularly levelled at Per'icles, who was by the 
mother's side descended from Megacles, a conspicuous actor 
in that iniquitous transaction. 21. The aristocratic faction 
at Athens endeavoured to crush Per'icles during the storm of 
rage and terror which agitated the populace when these pro- 
posals were made ; but though they succeeded in procuring 
the banishment of some of his friends, the eloquent defence 
of Per'icles not only rescued him from the danger, but in- 
duced the people to dismiss the Spartan deputies. All hopes 

* See chapter III., sect 1 



FIRST PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 153 

of peace were now destroyed, and both parties vigorously 
prepared for war. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What Grecian states were jealous of the glory of Athens? 

2. How were the Messenians and Helots induced to revolt against the 

Spartans ? 

3. How long did this war last ? 

4. On what conditions was peace made ? 

5. What became of the Messenian exiles? 

6. How were Argos and Thebes punished for their conduct in the 

Persian war ? 

7. By what battle was the liberty of Bceotia secured? 

8. How was this war terminated ? 

9. What was the character of Pericles ? 

10. How did Athens assert her superiority over the maritime states? 

11. To what use was the wealth obtained in these wars applied ? 

12. What dispute arose between the Corcyreans and Corin'thians ? 

13. How was Epidamnus forced to surrender? 

14. Which side did the Athe'nians take in this war ? 

15. Was their interference advantageous to the Corcyreans ? 

16. How did the Corin'thians take revenge on the Athe'nians ? 

17. To whom did the Corinthians apply for aid ? 

18. Did any other state complain of the Athe'nians? 

19. On what conditions did the Spartans offer peace ? 

20. Why was the clause about Cylon inserted ? 

21. How were the Spartan conditions answered? 



154 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

SECTION II. 

FIRST PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 



So easy still it proves in factious timea. 

With public zeal to cancel private crimes. — Dru&eiL 



1. The league which was formed to humble the power of 
the Athenians included the most powerful states in conti- 
nental Greece ; Argos and Achaia were the only Pelopon- 
nesians that did not join in the confederacy, and north of 
the isthmus, the cause of the allies was supported openly 
by the Macedonians and Thebans, while several others were 
secretly devoted to the Lacedaemonians, whom they looked 
on as the liberators of Greece. The Athenians were sup- 
ported by the Acarnanians, several of the Thessalian princes, 
some of the Thracian tribes, and the little republics of 
Plataea and Naupactus. The islands of the iEgean and the 
Greek cities in Thrace and Asia Minor, were rather the 
vassals than the confederates of Athens, and many of them 
were consequently very insincere in their support of a power 
by whom they believed themselves oppressed. 

2. The war which now broke out was rendered more 
fierce and destructive by the collision of principles which 
it occasioned. The wealthy landowners in all the Grecian 
states were favourable to the Spartan cause, which was 
identified with that of aristocratic government; the lovers 
of democracy were eager for the success of Athens, the 
well-known patron of popular liberty. Thus not only was 
Greece divided against itself, but in every city and every 
petty state there were two parties who viewed each other 
with the fiercest enmity, and filled their communities with 
every crime that bitter party zeal could produce. To this 
was added the ancient hostility between those of Ionic and 
Doric descent, which Athens and Sparta seem to have pre- 
served to the latest period of their history. 

3. The war commenced by an attempt on the part Cb. c. 
of the Thebans to surprise the little city of Plataea, £431. 
in which they were totally defeated. Soon after the con- 
federate army, amounting to sixty thousand men, under the 
command of Archida'mus, the Spartan king, assembled on 
the isthmus. Thence they proceeded to invade Attica, but 
lost much time in the fruitless siege of (Eno'e, a strong fort- 
ress on the borders of Bceotia. 4. This delay gave the 

n2 



FIRST PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 155 

Athenians time to execute the singular plan of defence 
recommended by Pericles ; they laid waste their own fields 
and farms, sent into the city all their provisions and valua- 
ble effects, and then retreating as the enemy advanced, 
sheltered themselves within the extended fortifications 
that led to the Peiraeeus. The Spartans devastated the open 
country but finding it impossible to provoke the Athenians 
to an engagement, returned home, severely harassed in their 
retreat by the cavalry and light troops which Per'icles 
assembled for the purpose. 5. The Athenians amply 
revenged this invasion, by sending out a fleet to ravage the 
coasts of the Peloponnesus, which spread terror through 
the entire peninsula. They also invaded the unfortunate 
territory of Meg'aris at the moment its inhabitants were 
preparing to gather in their harvest, and obtained immense 
booty. They also succeeded in capturing Nisae'a, the sea- 
port of Meg'ara, which they almost totally destroyed. For 
several years the same operations were annually repeated, 
the Spartans with an irresistible army devastating Attica, 
and the Athenians with an equally formidable navy carrying 
terror to every part of southern Greece. 

6. In the beginning of the next year the Lacedaemo'nians 
invaded At'tica with as powerful an army as before, and the 
Athe'nians were once more obliged to take refuge within 
their walls. But a more dreadful calamity than even that 
of war now began to visit the unhappy Athe'nians. A 
plague, and one of the most terrible that is recorded in his- 
tory, broke out among them. It is said to have begun in 
Ethio'pia, whence it descended into Egypt, thence travelling 
into Lyb'ia and Persia, it at last broke like a flood upon 
Athens.* This pestilence baffled the utmost efforts of art ; 
the most robust constitutions were unable to withstand its 
attacks ; no skill could obviate, nor any remedy dispel the 
infection. The instant a person was seized, he was struck 
with despair, which quite disabled him from attempting a 
cure. The humanity of friends, in visiting and attending 
the sick, was as fatal to themselves as it was useless to the 
unhappy sufferers. 7. The prodigious quantity of baggage 
which had been removed out of the country into the city 
increased the calamity. Most of the inhabitants, for want 

* It first attacked those that dwelt in the Peiraeeus in so terrible a 
manner, that they imagined the Peloponne'sians had poisoned their 
wells. 



156 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

of better lodging, lived in little cottages, in which they could 
scarcely breathe, while the burning heat of the summer 
inflamed the malignity of the distemper. They were seen 
confusedly huddled together, the dead as well as the living : 
of the latter, some were crawling through the streets, some 
lying by the sides of fountains, to which they had with 
difficulty repaired to quench the raging thirst that consumed 
them. Their very temples were filled with dead bodies, 
and every part of the city exhibited a dreadful scene of mor- 
tality, without remedy for the present, or hope for the future. 
It seized the people with such violence, that they fell one 
upon another as they passed the streets. It was also 
attended with such pestilential vapours, that the very beasts 
and birds of prey, though perishing with hunger round the 
walls of the city, would not touch the bodies of those who 
died of it. Even those who recovered, received such a 
terrible shock, as affected the very faculties of their mind. 
It effaced the memory of all the occurrences of their past 
lives, and they knew neither themselves nor their nearest 
relations. 8. The cause of the great havoc which the 
plague made among the unfortunate Athe'nians was generally 
imputed to Per'icles, who by drawing such numbers into the 
city, was thought to have corrupted the very air. Hippoc'- 
rates, a celebrated physician of the island of Cos, suggested 
as a remedy to purify the atmosphere by kindling large fires ; 
this great man had been invited by Artaxer'xes, to Persia, 
whither the pestilence had extended, but he declined the mo- 
narch's splendid offers, declaring that he owed his skill to 
Greece rather than her enemies. 9. Yet, though this plague 
was raging within, and the enemy wasting the country with- 
out, he still continued to think that they ought not to risk all 
their fortunes on the event of a battle. In the mean time the 
Lacedsemo'nians, advancing towards the coast, laid waste the 
whole country, and returned, after having insulted the 
wretched Athe'nians, already thinned by pestilence and 
famine. 

10. It is not to be supposed that Per'icles, the reputed 
author of these calamities, could long escape the popular re- 
sentment. In fact he began to be as much hated by the peo- 
ple as ever he had been beloved, and they had actually de- 
posed him from the command of the army ; though actuated 
by that fickleness for which they were remarkable, they soon 
reinstated him with more than former authority. But "he did 
not live long to enjoy his honour. 



FIRST PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 157 

11. He had seen the members of his once numerous and 
happy family successively fall victims to the plague, i b. c. 
and only in one instance had his fortitude failed him \ 429. 
for a moment. At the funeral of his last son, Par'alus, he 
could not suppress the feelings of parental tenderness, and 
burst into a flood of tears ; but he soon recovered his com- 
posure and bent his undivided energies to the service of the 
state. But his strength became soon unequal to the task ; in 
the third year of the war he was seized with a mortal disease ; 
yet even then Athens engaged all his thoughts, and on his 
death-bed he continued to give the most judicious advice for 
the management of the war, and the treatment of the allies. 
12. A little before he expired, his weeping friends were enu- 
merating his many brilliant victories, and the wisdom with 
which he had administered the government ; " You forget," 
said he, " the only valuable part of my character ; no Athe- 
nian was ever forced, by any action of mine, to put on a 
mourning robe." 13. Thus died the most illustrious states- 
man that Greece ever produced : he was ambitious for his 
country and not for himself; he expended a princely fortune 
in the service of the public, and though he had the uncon- 
trolled management of the revenue, he never was accused of 
converting the smallest portion to his own purposes. His 
warlike pursuits were not more brilliant than those which 
engaged him in times of peace. He extended the power of 
Athens, and chose the surest means of making it the capital 
of a great empire, by planting numerous colonies. He pro- 
moted public taste by adorning the city with magnificent 
buildings ; and, aided by his encouragement, poetry, and es- 
pecially the drama, reached an unprecedented degree of per- 
fection. Thucydides, his political rival, bears the highest 
testimony to his abilities, by declaring that had not the advice 
of Per'icles been neglected, Athens would have baffled the ut- 
most efforts of the confederates. 

His plan of waging an offensive war by sea, and confining 
the land operations to simple defence, must soon have dis- 
pirited the Peloponnesian allies, who suffered more severe 
injuries than they inflicted, and were held together by weaker 
ties than those which bound the members of the Athenian 
league. Unfortunately for themselves, the Athenians, after 
the death of Per'icles, indulged their passion for foreign con- 
quests and distant expeditions, which broke their forces into 
separate fragments, and rendered them incapable of serving 
O 



158 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

their friends or injuring their enemies in Greece and the isl 
ands, where, alone, the contest could be decided. 

14. The Lacedaemonians, urged by the Thebans, under- 
took the siege of Platse'se, and the citizens, having sent their 
wives and children to Athens, retained a garrison only of 
four hundred Platse'ans, and eighty Athenians ; but with this 
inconsiderable force they baffled the entire army of the con- 
b. c. ) federates for three years. 15. While the siege 
427. $ continued, the Athenians suffered some reverses in 
Thrace, but this was more than compensated by a brilliant 
naval victory obtained by a small squadron, under Phonic'ion 
on the west coast of Greece ; though at first defeated and 
forced to retreat by the superior forces of the Peloponnesians, 
he turned on his pursuers, recovered all his own ships, and 
took six of the enemy besides. 16. The siege of Platse'sB 
had been turned into a blockade, and a strong line of for- 
tifications drawn round the town. The lines of the besiegers 
equalled in height the walls of the town, and were strongly 
garrisoned, so that Platse'ae presented the most extraordinary 
aspect recorded in the annals of war. Mounds were ex- 
tended from the lines to the city walls, for the advance of 
storming-parties, but all attempts at assault were defeated, 
and the besiegers resolved to await the certain, though slow 
operation of hjockade. With this design they strengthened 
their lines by the erection of towers, strongly garrisoned, and 
placed so near each other, that mutual aid could easily be 
afforded if the Plataeans should venture on a sortie ; there 
was no reason to dread any attempt to raise the siege from 
without, because the Athenians were themselves shut up in 
their own city. 

At length half the garrison, with the loss of only a single 
man, broke through the lines and escaped to Athens ; the rest 
surrendered to the Spartans, on condition that none should 
be put to death without a fair trial. 17. The trial granted 
them was a cruel mockery ; each was asked, had he done 
any service to the cause of the Spartans during the war? and 
as he answered in the negative, was slaughtered without 
mercy. Thus to gratify their Theban allies did the Spartans 
massacre a handful of brave men whose courage and fidelity 
merited a better fate. 18. Nearly at the same time Potidae'a 
surrendered to the Athenians, and was occupied by new in- 
habitants. The expelled citizens retired to the neighbouring 
maritime towns, where they increased the enmity against the 
dominion of Athens. 



FIRST PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 159 



Questions for Examination. 

1. How were the Grecian states divided in the first Peloponnesian 

war ? 

2. "What circumstance imbittered the hostility of the combatants? 

3. How did the war commence ? 

4. Did not the Athe'nians adopt a singular plan of defence ? 

5. How was the invasion of Attica revenged ? 

6. By what dreadful calamity were the Athe'nians soon after af- 

flicted ? 

7. What circumstances made the plague peculiarly destructive ? 

8. Who is blamed for this ? 

9. Did the Athe'nians lose their courage ? 

10. How was Pericles treated by his countrymen ? 

11. What caused the death of this statesman ? 

12. To what did he refer as the noblest trait in his character ? 

13. What proofs are given of his wisdom and integrity ? 

14. What siege did the confederates undertake? 

15. Did any remarkable events occur during its progress? 

16. Did any of the Platfeans escape ! 

17. What became of the rest ? 

18. How did the Athenians treat Potidaea? 



section m. 

FIRST PELOPONNESIAN WAR, CONTINUED. 

Vengeance, deep brooding o'er the slain, 

Had locked the source of softer woe; 
And burning pride and high disdain 

Forbade the rising tear to flow. — Scott. 

The revolt of Les'bos and the sedition of Corcy'ra were 
the next most remarkable occurrences in the war. The 
Lesbians were, like the Thebans, of ^Eoi'ic descent ; and 
though treated by the Athenians with more leniency than 
the other colonies, were naturally disinclined to submit to 
the degrading tribute which Athens required from all her 
dependencies. The better class especially were anxious to 
be received into the Peloponnesian confederacy, because 
the Athenians had transferred all power from them to the 
people. 2. Their negotiations with Sparta were, however, 
betrayed ; and the Athenians immediately sent out a power- 
ful fleet, under Pa'ches, to reduce the rebellious islanders to 



160 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

subjection. The inhabitants of the neighbouring islands 
actuated more by hatred of the Lesbians than love of the 
Athenians, sent considerable forces, and Mityle'ne, the 
capital of the island, was soon closely invested, both by 
sea and land. 3. When the siege had continued several 
b.c. ") months, the Spartans, after many delays, raised a fleet, 
427. 3 which they intrusted to Al'cidas, a man every way 
unfitted for such an important command. Instead of sailing 
to the relief of Mityle'ne, Alcidas employed his ships in 
plundering merchant-vessels and murdering their crews; 
he also levied contributions on several Io'nian cities, which 
were well inclined to revolt from the Athenians, but which the 
cruelty of the Spartans now confirmed in their allegiance. 

4. Salae'thias, the governor of Mityle'ne, beginning to 
despair of success, armed the populace, in order to make 
an assault on the Athenian lines ; but no sooner did the 
lower orders obtain possession of arms, than they made 
themselves complete masters of the city. This precipitated 
a surrender, Mityle'ne capitulated, on condition that none 
of the citizens should be enslaved or put to death, until the 
pleasure of the Athenian people was known. 

5. A galley was immediately despatched with the news 
to Athens, and an assembly of the people convoked, to de 
cide on the fate of Mityle'ne. The rage of the Athenians 
was violent, because they had distinguished the Lesbians 
by peculiar favours, and thus the crime of their rebellion 
was heightened by ingratitude. Cle'on, who had raised 
himself from the lowest ranks of life to be a popular leader, 
by the most audacious profligacy, still further stimulated 
their resentment, and under his auspices a decree was 
passed, that all the citizens of Mityle'ne should be put to 
the sword, and the women and children sold into slavery. 
6. This atrocious decree was proposed, carried, and sent off 
in one day ; but the night brought better thoughts into the 
popular mind. On the following morning a general feeling 
of regret was observable through the entire city, a new as 
sembly was summoned, the former decree repealed, and a 
swift-sailing galley despatched to prevent the execution of 
the former. Fortunately, the messenger of mercy was not 
retarded by any unfavourable circumstance, the countermand 
arrived before Paches had made any preparations to execute 
his previous orders, and the citizens of Mityle'ne were 
rescued from danger almost as soon as they heard of its ex- 
istence 



FIRST PELOPOXXESIAX WAR. 161 

7. We mentioned in a former section, that the Corinthians 
had treated their Corcyre'an captives with great C b.c. 
clemency ; having thus attached them to their inte- I 427. 
rest, they now sent them home, trusting that by their influ- 
ence Corcy'ra might be detached from the Athenian alliance. 
They left no art untried for the purpose, but the popular 
leaders being firm in the Athenian interest, their efforts were 
unsuccessful, until they assassinated their opponents in the 
senate house. This detestable murder gave a temporary 
triumph to the aristocratic faction at Corcy'ra, and was fol- 
lowed up by an unprovoked attack on the general assembly 
of the people in the midst of their peaceful deliberations. 
A fearful massacre of the populace ensued, and the streets 
of Corcy'ra were flooded by the blood of the citizens. But 
the people being reinforced by the slaves, and even by the 
women, rose against their oppressors, and eventually re- 
mained victorious. 8. This civil commotion continued for 
two years, both parties emulating each other in barbarity 
and treachery, until at length the arrival of an Athe- C b.c. 
nian fleet, under the command of Eurym'edon and (. 425 
Soph'ocles, decided the victory in favour of the people 
9. The opposing party surrendered on terms, but being 
induced by a treacherous artifice of their countrymen to 
violate the terms of the capitulation, they were all ruthlessly 
massacred. 10. Thus ended the sedition of Corcy'ra, but 
its effects continued long to be fatally experienced in Greece. 
The advocates of aristocracy and democracy began from 
this time forward to look on each other as enemies, and 
were eager to decide their differences with the sword, rather 
than the tongue. 

11. The fleet which had arrived at Corcy'ra was destined 
against Sicily, which being chiefly colonized by Dorians, 
was naturally disposed to assist the Spartans ; we shall here- 
after see its effects on that island, at present we must direct 
our attention to its operations in southern Greece. 12. De- 
mos'thenes, whose courage and ability have been so highly 
extolled by his illustrious relative of the same name, had 
been intrusted with the command of the Athenian auxilia- 
ries in Naupac'tus ; he was at first defeated by the iEto'- 
lians and Ambra'ciots who had espoused the cause of Sparta, 
but he soon retrieved his losses, and by two splendid victo- 
ries completely established the superiority of the Athenian 
allies. When the term of his command was expired, he 
solicited and obtained permission to serve as a volunteer in 
o2 



162 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the fleet that sailed for Corcy'ra, with leave to employ the 
Messe'nians, by whom he was accompanied, in any enter- 
prise which might advance the public service. As the fleet 
on their return from Corcyra sailed along the south-western 
shores of the Peloponne'sus, the Messe'nians could not 
avoid being affected as they viewed the shores of their be- 
loved country, and at length they determined on effecting a 
landing at Py'los, the modern Navarino, which was sup- 
posed to have been the seat of Nestor's kingdom. This 
design, though encouraged by Demos 'thenes, was at first 
opposed by Eurym'edon, but the fleet being forced into the 
harbour by stress of weather, the sailors for their amuse- 
ment assisted the Messe'nians in the erection of a fort, and 
so vigorous were their exertions, that in six days, Py'los 
was sufficiently strong to maintain a siege. 

13. As Pylos was but fifty miles from Sparta, the inhabit- 
ants of that city were naturally alarmed by the vicinity of 
the enemy, and still more by the reflection, that many of 
their slaves being of Messe'nian descent, would be inclined 
to join the Pylian garrison. 14. As soon, therefore, as the 
squadron of Eurym'edon had departed, Py'los was closely 
besieged by a Spartan army, its harbour blockaded by the 
confederate fleet, and a numerous garrison selected from the 
bravest Spartan soldiers placed in the island of Sphacte'ria, 
which commands the entrance of the Pylian bay. Demos'- 
thenes, who remained as commander of the Messenians, 
with difficulty maintained his post for three days, but at the 
end of that time, the fleet of Eurymedon returned and re- 
lieved him from his embarrassment. 15. The Spartan fleet 
was totally defeated, and the garrison in Sphacte'ria were 
now blockaded in their turn. This led to some negotiations 
which the pride of the Athenians rendered abortive; they 
trusted that the capture of the troops in Sphacte'ria, who 
were composed of the first rank of the Spartan citizens, 
would enable them to dictate peace on their own terms. 
16. But the conquest of this little island was a matter of 
no small difficulty ; the soldiers under the command of De- 
mosthenes were too few to make victory certain, and 
Sphacte'ria, being densely wooded and full of defiles, might 
easily be defended ; besides Pylos itself was closely watched 
by the Spartans, and the Athenians were, in fact, besieged, 
as well as besiegers. 

17. When the news of these circumstances reached 
Athens, the people were in great commotion, and Cle'on, 



FIRST PEL0P0XXESIAN WAR. 163 

deeming this a favourable opportunity for calumniating his 
rival Ni"cias, declared, that, " if he were a general, Sphac- 
teria should soon be compelled to surrender." Ni"cias was 
the leader of the aristocratic party, which had been all along 
opposed to the war ; he was besides of a prudent and almost 
timid disposition, and therefore but little inclined to attempt 
an enterprise so hazardous, as an attack upon Sphacte'ria. 
To the boasts of his opponent, he replied by an offer to re- 
ign the office of general in his favour. Cle'on, who was, 
like all boasters, a notorious coward, refused the offer ; but 
the Athenian multitude, delighted at seeing him caught by 
his own artifices, insisted that Cle'on should be their gene- 
ral, and he found himself obliged to comply. His impu- 
dence, however, did not forsake him ; he advanced into the 
middle of the assembly, and declared, that within thirty 
days he would bring all the Lacedaemonians in Sphacte'ria 
prisoners to Athens. 18. This boast was received with 
shouts of laughter ; but a combination of events enabled 
Cle'on to fulfil his promise. An accidental fire destroyed 
the wood which had hitherto protected the rear of the Spar- 
tans, and when they retreated to a corner of the island, the 
Messenians ascended the precipitous rocks which command- 
ed their rear, and thus, after a gallant- resistance, they were 
forced to surrender themselves prisoners. Cle'on returned 
to Athens in triumph, and claimed the entire merit of the 
success, which of right belonged to Demosthenes. 

19. In the following year the Athenians made the C b. c. 
important conquest of the island of Cythe'ra, which C 424. 
being situated on the south coast of Laconia, enabled them to 
ravage the enemy's shores in security. 20. At the same 
time they sent a large force to Bceotia to assist the states 
who had conspired against Thebes ; the plot was discovered 
by accident, and the Athenians prepared to retreat, after 
having seized and fortified the little town of De'lium. In 
their retreat they were intercepted by the Thebans, and de- 
feated with considerable loss ; soon after which De'lium 
was forced to surrender. 21. But a new and unexpected 
calamity changed the tide of the Athenian good fortune ; 
Olyn'thus and several other maritime states in Macedonia 
suddenly took up arms to check the naval power of Athens, 
and having been joined by the princes of the country, sent 
to Sparta for assistance. Bras'idas, one of the bravest 
generals that Sparta ever produced, and the only one who 
united a character for strict integrity to his fame for courage 



1G4 HISTORY OF GRKECE. 

and skill, was sent to their assistance with a strong detach- 
ment. He traversed the entire of northern Greece before 
the Athenians could take any measure to check his progress. 
On his arrival, he proceeded to attack all the tributary con- 
federates of Athens, and in a few months, either by force 
or persuasion, he alienated from her alliance the principal 
maritime states in Thrace and Macedon. 

22. This misfortune inclined the Athenians to peace, and 
the Spartan nobility, envious of the glory obtained by Bra 
sidas, were not averse to an accommodation. A truce for a 
year was agreed on between the republics ; but at the end 
of that period, Cle'on persuaded his countrymen to send 
him with an armament against Amphip'olis,* whose loss the 
Athenians felt most sensibly. 23. The Spartan general 
b. c. -£ made the most judicious preparations for his recep- 
421. 3 tion, and Cle'on, totally ignorant of military affairs, 
fell into an ambuscade, where his army was routed with 
great slaughter. This success was conterbalanced by the 
death of both the generals ; the fall of Cle'on was an advan- 
tage greater than victory to the Athenians, but nothing could 
compensate the Spartans for the loss of Brasidas ; he was 
interred with military honours, but the deep grief of the 
allies, who wept over his grave, was the noblest tribute to 
his memory. 

24. The battle of Amphip'olis removed the principal ob- 
stacles to a peace. Ni"cias, who had opposed the war 
from the beginning, found the Spartan king, Pleisto'anax, 
equally disposed to moderation. Conferences were held ; 
and after some brief delay, a treaty for fifty years was con- 
cluded between Athens and Sparta, on the basis of mutual 
restitution, and that all things should be placed in the same 
state as they were before the commencement of the war. 
But this peace contained within itself the elements of future 
discord, for as no provision was made for the minor states, 
me allies of both, and especially those of the Spartans, were 
justly indignant and discontented. 



Questions for Examination 

1 . What induced the Lesbians to revolt 1 

2. To whom was the command of the expedition against Lesbos given ? 

3. How did the Spartan admiral behave ? 

* A city on the river Strymon,in Thrace : see map. 



CHARACTER OF ALCIBIADES. 165 

4. What compelled the governor of Mitylene to surrender 1 

5. Did the Athenians pass a severe decree against the revolters ] 

6. Was the barbarous edict put into execution 1 

7. What detestable crime kindled a civil war in Corcyra ? 

8. How was this war terminated ! 

9. Did the Corcyrean populace take revenge on the nobles 1 

10. What were the consequences of the Corcyrean civil war 1 

1 1 . Why were the people of Sicily inclined to favour the Spartans 1 

12. What remarkable enterprise was undertaken by Demosthenes and 

the Messcnian exiles 1 

13. Why did the garrison at Pylos alarm the Spartans 1 

14. Where did the Spartans station a garrison to control Pylos ? 

15. To what inconvenience were the Spartans in Sphacteria subjected ] 

16. Why did not the Athenians immediately conquer Sphacteria 1 

17. Under what strange circumstances was Cleon appointed to take the 

command at Pylos ] 

18. By what accident did Cleon succeed ] 

19. Did the Athenians capture any other island 1 

20. What led to the defeat at Delium 1 

21. Whom did the Spartans send to aid the revolters in Thrace and 

Macedon 1 

22. How was peace prevented 1 

23. What remarkable persons fell in the battle of Amphipolis 1 

24. On what conditions was peace concluded between Athens and 

Sparta 1 



CHAPTER IX. 

FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS TO THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN 
WAR. 

SECTION I. 

Discord ! dire sister of the slaughtering power. 

Small at her birth, but rising every hour. 

While scarce the skies her horrid head can bound, 

She stalks on earth and shakes the world around : 

The nations bleed where'er her step she turns, 

The groan still deepens and the combat burns. — Homer. 

1. Treaties of peace, however solemn or sincere, are 
'nit feeble barriers against the interests, the inclinations, or 
ihe prejudices of rival states, or even against the ambitious 
views of those that have the chief direction of their councils. 
This was fatally experienced in the war that, notwithstand- 
ing their late agreement, soon after broke out between the 
Athe'nians and Spartans, not to promote the welfare or 
advance the power of either people, but merely to gratify 
the pride and vanity of Alcibi'ades, who was now become 
the most popular man in Athens. 2. The character of 
this extraordinary man was a strange compound of great 



166 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

virtues and great vices. From his father Clei'nias, he re- 
ceived a large fortune, and all the advantages of education 
which Athens could afford. The servile adulation of those 
by whom he was surrounded, made him long the slave of 
vicious pleasure, until a perusal of the works of Homer 
awakened his ambition. 3. Soon after, he had the good 
fortune to attract the notice of Soc'rates, and the lessons of 
that celebrated philosopher greatly contributed to enlarge 
his mind. Soc'rates is said to have saved the life of his 
pupil at the battle of Potida«'a, and Alcibi'ades to have per- 
formed a similar service to his master at De'lkim ; these 
circumstances naturally strengthened their union, but unfor- 
tunately the philosopher incurred more disgrace by the sub- 
sequent crimes of his disciple, than Alcibi'ades derived 
benefit from the lessons of Soc'rates. 4. Equal to Per'icles 
in abilities and ambition, Alcibi'ades wanted the integrity 
and patriotism of that illustrious statesman ; he thought 
more of himself than of his country ; he was actuated by 
selfish motives in all the objects at which he aimed, and 
unscrupulous in the use of the means by which they might 
be obtained. He was not less remarkable for his accom- 
plishments than for his genius ; and distinguished himself 
no less by his success at the Olympic games than by his 
eloquence and military genius. 5. He was equally remark- 
able for his versatility ; amidst the philosophers he spoke 
eloquently in praise of virtue, and in a few moments would 
stand the leader of the worst dissipation amid his wild com- 
panions ; at Athens he courted the favour of the people by 
specious professions of his love of liberty ; at Sparta he 
was the devoted admirer of the institutions of Lycur'gus ; 
in Asia he practised the refined luxuries of the East, and in 
Thrace cheerfully adopted the barbarous habits of its in- 
habitants ; — in all places he displayed abilities and inge- 
nuity, but also — fatally for his country and himself — dis- 
honesty. 

6. The family of Alcibi'ades had been connected with the 
Lacedaemonians in former times, and he resolved to renew 
the intimacy. For this purpose he showed all the kindness 
in his power to the prisoners who had been taken at Sphac- 
te'ria, but the Spartans, despising his youth, rejected all his 
advances, and placed all their confidence in Ni"cias. Irri- 
tated by this preference, Alcibi'ades resolved to take re- 
venge on Ni"cias and the Spartans together, by exciting the 
\thenians to renew the war; a project which the Spartans 



CHARACTER OF ALCIBIaULS. 167 




Alcibiades at the Olympic games. 

themselves facilitated by several flagrant violations of the 
late treaty. 

7. The first step he took for this purpose was to instigate 
the people of Ar'gos to break with the Lacedaemo'nians, 
assuring them, that, if they did so, they should soon be 
supported by the whole power of Athens. 8. Indeed every 
thing was in a fair way for a treaty between the Athe'nians 
and Argives, when the Lacedaemonians, who far surpassed 
all the other Greeks in dissimulation, having heard some 
account of these negotiations, sent ambassadors to Athens 
to remonstrate, and invested them with full power to settle 
all matters in dispute in an amicable manner. This commis- 
sion seemed to satisfy the council, to whom it was first 
communicated ; and the people were to assemble the next 
day, to give the ambassadors an audience. 9. Alcibi'ades, 
fearing that this would mar his schemes, had recourse to the 
following artifice. He contrived to have a private confer- 
ence with the ambassadors, and persuaded them, under the 
colour of friendship, not to let the people know at first what 
full powers they possessed, but merely to intimate that they 
came to treat and make proposals ; for that otherwise the. 
people would grow exorbitant in their demands, and endea- 
vour to extort from them such unreasonable terms as they 
could not with honour consent to. 10. The stratagem sue 
ceeded. The ambassadors, believing him sincere, withdrew 
their confidence from Ni"cias, and reposed it in him ; and 
the next day, when the people were assembled, and the am- 
bassadors introduced, Alcibi'ades, with a very obliging air, 
demanded of them with what powers they were come ? 



1CS HISTORY OF GREECE. 

They made answer, that they were not come as plenipo- 
tentiaries. Upon which he instantly changed his voice and 
countenance, and, reproaching them for their falsehood and 
prevarication, bid the people take care how they transacted 
any thing with men on whose veracity they could have so 
little dependence. 11. The people dismissed the ambassa- 
dors in a rage ; and Ni"cias, knowing nothing of the deceit, 
was confounded and in disgrace. To redeem his credit, he 
proposed being sent once more to Sparta ; but not being 
able to obtain such terms as the Athe'nians demanded, they 
immediately, upon his return, made a league with the Ar- 
gives for a hundred years, including the Ele'ans and Man- 
tinei'ans ; which yet did not expressly cancel that with the 
Lacedaemo'nians, though it was plain that the whole scope 
of it was levelled against them.* 12. Upon this new alli- 
ance Alcibi'ades was declared general, and though even his 
best friends could not commend the method by which he 
had accomplished his designs, 5 r et it was looked upon as a 
great stroke in politics thus to divide and shake almost all 
Peloponne'sus, and to remove the war so far from the Athe'- 
nian frontier, that even success would profit the enemy but 
little, should they be conquerors ; whereas, if they were 
defeated, Sparta itself would hardly be safe.t 

13. The Spartans, however, were determined to crush 
the evil in the bud ; and accordingly, drawing out their 
whole force, both of citizens and slaves, and, being joined 
by their allies, they encamped almost under the walls of 
Argos. The Argives were not slow in meeting them; they 
immediately marched out and offered them battle. But just 
as the two armies were going to engage, a truce was con- 
cluded for four months, as a previous step towards an ami- 
cable settlement of all differences. 

14. The Athenians did not, however, confine their entire 
attention to the Peloponne'sus, but strenuously exerted 
themselves to recover their former influence in the colonies 

* By this treaty Athens, instead of Lacedse'mon, became the leading 
power in Greece, and the head of the Peloponne'sian confederacy. 

•j- Notwithstanding the treaty subsisting between the Athe'nians and 
Lacedaemonians, the former thought fit to lay siege to Epidau'rus, a 
little republic in alliance with Sparta. The Spartans took the field in 
behalf of their friends, and obtained a considerable victory over the 
Athenians. Soon after, the Argives, renouncing their alliance with 
Athens, joined the Spartans, and compelled the Athe'nians to raise the 
6iege. 



ARG1VE WAR. 16J 

and islands. 15. Expeditions were sent against the revolted 
states in Thrace and Maeedon ; the inhabitants of the cap- 
tured colonies were treated with great severity, but this, 
though it produced a momentary terror, created also a fierce 
spirit of enmity, whose effects Athens soon after r b.c. 
bitterly experienced. 16. Among these enterprises, (.416. 
the expedition against the island of Me'los, one of the 
largest and most flourishing of the Cy'clades, was pre-emi- 
nently distinguished by its daring injustice. 17. The island 
had been originally colonized by the Spartans, and for seven 
hundred years had maintained its independence ; but now 
the excellence of its harbours, the convenience of its situa- 
tion, and the fertility of its soil, had excited the cupidity 
of the Athenians, and ambassadors were sent to demand its 
submission. 18. The Melians, after having vainly remon- 
strated against such a tyrannical demand, flatly refused to 
become the tributary confederate of any state, and war was 
forthwith declared. The Peloponnesian states looked on 
carelessly, while the Athenians assailed the island, and the 
Me'lians, thus deserted, were subdued' after an obstinate re- 
sistance ; the conquerors treated them as if they had been 
rebels, slaughtering all the men, and reducing the women 
and children to slavery. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. By whose influence was the treaty of Nicias broken 1 

2. What was the character of Alcibiades 1 

3. By whom did he receive instructions 1 

4. How did he differ from Pericles 1 

5. What trait in the character of Alcibiades was particularly remark- 

able 1 

6. Why did he dislike the Spartans ? 

7. How did Alcibiades proceed to rekindle the war 1 

8. Did the Spartans send to remonstrate against the league between 

Athens and Argos 1 

9. How did Alcibiades deceive them ? 

1 0. Was this artifice successful 1 

1 1. In what manner did the Athenians behave 1 

1 2. Why was Alcibiades celebrated for his policy in this transaction 1 

13. How did the Argive war terminate 1 

14. What object particularly engaged the attention of the Athenians 

1 5. How were the revolters treated 1 

1 6. Where is the island of Melos 1 

17. Had the Athenians any claim to it? 

1 8. What became of the Melians 1 



170 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 



SECTION II. 
ATHENIAN EXPEDITION TO SICILY. 

Shall we too bend the stubborn head. 

In freedom's temple born, 
Dress our pale cheek in timid smile 
To hail a master in our isle, 

Or brook a victor's scorn ? — Scott. 

1, A new expedition was soon after undertaken by the 
Athe'nians, as unjust as that against the Melians, but whose 
fatal termination seemed a merited retribution for the evils 
inflicted by unprincipled ambition. This was the celebrat- 
ed invasion of Sicily, which proved the entire ruin of the 
Athe'nian power. 

2. The greater part of Sicily was colonized by the Do'- 
rians, but some of the Io'nians had also obtained settlements 
in the country. 3. Sy'racuse, the chief of the Do'ric cities, 
was founded by Archi'as, a Co'rinthian. It was beautifully 
b. c. 7 situated in the east of Sicily,* and was divided into 
752. 5 four districts, Ortyg'ia, Acradi'na, Ty'cha, and Ne 
apo'lis ; which, like London, Southwark, and Westminster, 
were looked on as separate towns. A rocky district on the 
north side, named Epipo'lae, was a weakly fortified suburb, 
which, however, in some measure commanded the town, 

* In the accompanying plan, to which the reader will have frequently 
occasion to refer in the course of this and the following section, the suc- 
cessive stations occupied by the Athe'nians, during the siege, are mark- 
ed by the numbers 1, 2, and 3. 




ATHENIAN EXPEDITION" TO SICILY. 171 

4. Sy'racuse soon attained to such a height of prosperity 
that, as we have already seen, its sovereign Gelon claimed 
the command of the united Grecian forces in the Persian 
war. In the wars with the Carthaginians, the Syracusans 
were found to be the most vigorous defenders of Sicilian in- 
dependence : but the fame that they thus acquired induced 
them to claim for themselves a supremacy over the other 
states, which they were unwilling to grant. 5. The Io'nian 
colonies, being few, and weak, applied for the protection of 
Athens, and the fleet which decided the civil war in Corcy'- 
ra* was sent to their assistance. The fear of the Athe'nian 
power induced theDo'ric states to cease from harassing their 
Io'nian neighbours, but at the same time it led to a union 
of all the Sicilian cities, who justly dreaded the ambition of 
a maritime power that had already become the mistress of 
the eastern seas of Europe. 

6. This union was principally effected by the influence 
of Hermoc'rates, a Syracu'san equally celebrated for valour, 
wisdom, and eloquence ; but mutual jealousy prevented it 
from being permanent. 7. In a very few years the Syracu'- 
sans besieged and took Leon'tium, treated the inhabitants 
with great severity, and prepared to attack the Egestans, who 
had been allies of the Leontines. 8. The Egestans applied 
for assistance to the Athe'nians, and gave a very exaggerated 
statement of the pecuniary resources which they could com- 
mand. By the prudent advice of Ni"cias, commissioners 
were sent to Egesta, to inquire into the truth of these repre- 
sentations, and to these the crafty Sicilians exhibited large 
sums as their own, which they had borrowed from their 
neighbours. 9. The deputies on their return made such a 
favourable report, that the Athe'nians immediately resolved 
to succour the Egestans, an armament was ordered to be 
got ready with the greatest expedition, and the command 
was intrusted to Ni"cias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus ; who 
had directions not only to succour the allies, but also to regu- 
late the affairs of Sicily in such a manner as might best 
suit the interests of the republic. 

10. Ni"cias was extremely uneasy at his being appointed 
to this command, partly because he disapproved of the war 
itself, but chiefly because he was joined in commission with 
Alcibi'ades. But the Athe'nians thought it necessary to 
temper the ardour and impetuosity of the one, with the cool- 
ness and deliberation of the other. Ni"cias, therefore, not 
* See the last section of the preceding chapter. 



172 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

daring to oppose the war openly, endeavoured to do it indi- 
rectly, by representing the great number of difficulties with 
which it would be attended. 11. He said, that a fleet would 
not be sufficient; that a land army must likewise be raised, 
and subsisted at an immense expense ; for as to the pompous 
promises made to them by the Eges'tans, these might pro- 
bably fail them at a time when they stood most in need 
of pecuniary aid. 12. That they ought -to weigh well the 
great disparity between them and the enemy with regard to 
the conveniences they would respectively enjoy : that 
the Syracu'sans would be in their own country, in the 
midst of powerful allies, disposed by inclination, as well as 
engaged by interest, to assist them with men, money, horses, 
and provisions ; whereas the Athe'nians would carry on the 
war with a remote country, possessed by their enemies, 
where in winter, news could not be brought from home in 
less than four months ; a country, where all things would 
oppose the Athe'nians, and nothing be procured but by force 
of arms. That, if even the expedition succeeded, it would 
not be productive of the mighty advantages expected from 
it ; and, if it failed, it would reflect eternal disgrace upon 
the Athe'nian name : and that, for his own part, he was deter- 
mined not to go, unless he was supplied with every thing 
necessary for carrying on the war, as he would not depend 
upon the caprice or precarious promises of allies. 13. This 
speech, however, instead of cooling the ardour of the Athe'- 
nians, as Ni"cias expected, served only to inflame it more : 
and orders were immediately given for raising as many troops 
and fitting out as many galleys as the generals thought ne- 
cessary : and the levies accordingly were carried on in 
Athens, and other places, with incredible spirit. 
b.c. -£ 14. The levies being completed, the generals re- 
415. 3 solved to set sail immediately, after having appointed 
Corcy'ra as the place of rendezvous for most of the allies, 
and such ships as were to carry the provisions and warlike 
stores. All the inhabitants of Athens flocked by daybreak 
to the port of Peirse'eus, in order to behold this magnificent 
sight. It was, indeed, a spectacle well worth their curiosity • 
for neither Athens, nor any other city of Greece, had ever 
fitted out so grand and gallant a fleet as the present. 15. The 
city had furnished a hundred galleys, that is, sixty light 
ones, and forty to transport the heavy-armed soldiers. Every 
mariner received a daily drachma, or ten pence English, for 
his pay, exclusive of what the captains of ships gave the 



WAR IN SICILY. 173 

rowers of the first bench. 16. When the ships were loaded, 
and the troops embarked, the trumpet sounded, and solemn 
prayers were offered up for the success of the expedition. 
Gold and silver cups were filling every where with wine, 
and the accustomed libations poured out ; the people, who 
lined the shore, shouting at the same time, and lifting up 
their hands to heaven, to wish their fellow-citizens a good 
voyage and a successful expedition. 17. And now the 
hymn being sung, and the ceremonies ended, the ships 
sailed, and soon arrived at iEgi'na. Thence they made for 
Corcy'ra, where the army of the allies was assembled with 
the rest of the fleet. 

18. Upon their arrival at Sicily,* the generals were di- 
vided in their opinions with regard to the place where they 
should make a descent. Lam'achus was for sailing directly 
to Sy'racuse, and attacking the town before the inhabitants 
had time to recover from their first consternation. 19. But 
his proposal was rejected, and it was thought more expe- 
dient to reduce the smaller cities first. Detaching, therefore, 
ten galleys to take a view of the harbour and situation of 
Sy'racuse, they landed with the rest of their forces, and 
surprised Cata'na. 

20. In the mean time the enemies of Alcibi'ades took 
advantage of his absence to traduce his character, which, 
indeed, was sufficiently open to attack. A little before his 
departure, the statues of the Hermae all through Athens 
were mutilated in one night. The impious levity of Alci- 
bi'ades exposed him to suspicion, as the author of this out- 
rage ; and to this was added the still more heinous charge 
of having profaned the mysteries of Ceres. 21. This was 
sufficient to induce the giddy multitude to recall their gene- 
ral ; but, for fear of exciting a tumult in the army, they only 
sent him orders to return to Athens, that he might pacify 
the people by his presence. Alcibi'ades pretended to obey 
the order with great submission ; but, reflecting on the in- 
constancy and caprice of his judges, he no sooner reached 
Thu'rium,t than he disappeared, and the galley therefore 
returned without him. 22. For this act of contumacy he 

* While they lay at Rhegium, in Italy, they received the unwelcome 
account of the cheat that had been put upon them by the people of 
./Ugesta, who, so far from being able to defray the expenses of the war, 
were wretchedly poor, the whole property of the state not exceeding 
seven or eight thousand pounds. 

+ A town of Luca'nia, in Italy. 

P2 



174 HISTORY OF- GREECE. 

was condemned to death, his whole estate was confiscated, 
and all the orders of religion were commanded to curse him. 
Alcibi'ades, on hearing of this severe proceeding, exclaim- 
ed, " I hope one day to make them sensible that I am still 
alive !" 

23. He retired to Sparta, where he soon gained the con- 
fidence of the rulers, by strictly conforming to all the laws 
of Lycurgus. Thirsting for revenge, he used his powerful 
genius in planning, and his influence in procuring, the exe- 
cution of those wise measures which subsequently termi- 
nated in the ruin of Athens. 

24. The Syracu'sans had by this time put themselves in 
a posture of defence, and finding that Ni"cias did not ad- 
vance towards them, proposed to attack him in his camp ; 
and some of them asked in a scoffing way, whether he was 
come into Sicily to settle at Cata'na?* Roused by this 
insult, he determined to show them that he was deficient 
neither in courage nor conduct. He was afraid, however, 
of attacking the place by land for the want of cavalry ; and 
it was almost equally hazardous to make a descent by sea : 
nevertheless, he chose the latter method, and succeeded in 
it by a stratagem. 25. He had gained a citizen of Cata'na 
to go as a deserter to the Syracu'sans, and inform them, that 
the Athe'nians lay every night in the town without their 
arms : and that early in the morning on a certain day ap- 
pointed they might surprise them, seize on the camp, with 
all their arms and baggage, burn their fleet in the harbour, 
and destroy their whole army. The Syracu'sans gave credit 
to this intelligence, and marched with all their forces towards 
Cata'na, which Ni"cias was no sooner informed of than he 
embarked his troops, and steering away for Sy'racuse, landed 
them there the next morning, and fortified himself in the 
outskirts of the town. 26. The Syracu'sans were so pro- 
voked at this trick being put upon them, that they immedi- 
ately returned to Sy'racuse, and presented themselves with- 
out the walls in order of battle. Ni"cias marched out of his 
trenches to meet them, and a very sharp action ensued, in 
which the Athe'nians, at length, got the better, and forced 
the enemy back to the city, after having killed two hundred 
and sixty of them and their allies, with the loss of fifty of 

* A town in Sicily, at the foot of Mount Etna, remarkable for the 
dreadful overthrows to which it had been subjected by the eruptions of 
that volcano. 



SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. 175 

their own men. They were not, however, yet in a condi- 
tion to attack the place, and therefore took up their winter- 
quarters at Nax'us and Cata'na. 



Qaestio7is for Examination, 

1. What unjust expedition did the Athenians undertake? 

2. By whom was Sicily colonized ? 

3. How was Syracuse situated ? 

4. What caused Syracuse to be considered the chief of the Sicilian 

cities ? 

5. What was the consequence of the interference of the Athenians in 

the affairs of Sicily ? 

6. Who was the chief promoter of the Sicilian union ? 

7. How was this union dissolved 1 

8. Did the Egestans deceive the Athenians ? 

9. What generals were appointed to manage the Syracusan war ? 

10. Did any of them wish to decline the situation? 

11. What arguments did Nicias use ? 

12. Was there any disparity between the forces ? 

13. Was the reasoning of Nicias successful ? 

14. What was the appointed place of rendezvous ? 

15. What was the amount of the forces sent on this expedition ? 

1 6. In what manner did the fleet depart ? 

17. Whither did they first steer? 

18. What proposal was made by Lamachus ? 

19. Was it adopted? 

20. What charges were brought against Alcibiades in his absence ? 

21. Did he return to stand his trial ? 

22. How was his contumacy punished ? 

23. Whither did Alcibiades go ? 

24. What enterprise did Nicias undertake ? 

25. By what stratagem did he succeed ? 

26. What was the result of the ensuing battle ? 



section m. 

SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. 

Extended empire, like expanded gold, 
- '-Ale r 3 - 



Exchanges solid strength for feeble splendour. — Johnson. 

1. Next spring, having received a supply of horse from 
Athens, together with provisions and other warlike stores, 
Ni"cias resolved to block up the place both by sea and land. 
The first thing he did for this purpose was to take posses- 
ion of Epip'olse, a high hill which commanded the city, 
nrl could only be ascended by one very steep and craggy 
passage. 2. The Syracu'sans were so sensible of the im- 



176 HISTORY OF GREKCE. 

portance of this post, that they did every thing in their 
power to prevent his seizing it; but Ni"cias landed his 
troops so secretly, and so suddenly, that he made himself 
master of it before they were aware. He even repulsed a 
body of seven hundred men who were coming to dislodge 
him, killing three hundred of them, together with their 
leader. 3. Here he built a fort, and began to invest the 
town in such a manner as to cut off all communication be- 
tween it and the country. In the course of this work 
several skirmishes happened, in one of which Lam'achus 
was slain, so that the sole command rhow devolved upon 
Ni"cias. 4. The Syracu'sans made another attempt to 
regain this post, while Ni"cias was sick in bed, in the fort, 
with only his servants about him. 5. But when he found 
the enemy were forcing his intrenchments, he got up, and 
set fire to the engines, and other wood that lay scattered 
about the fort ; which not only served as a signal to his own 
troops to come to his relief, but so terrified and confounded 
those of the enemy, that they retreated into the city. 

6. From this time Ni"cias began to ^onceive great hopes 
of taking the place, the rather as several of the other cities of 
Sicily came over to his interest, and supplied his troops with 
all kinds of provisions. 7. The Syracu'sans, on their side, 
seeing themselves blocked up both by sea and land, and 
despairing of being able to hold out much longer, were 
already beginning to think of a surrender, nay, they had 
actually summoned a council to settle the terms of a capitu- 
lation, when, to their great joy and surprise, because con- 
trary to their expectation, they saw Gylip'pus, the Lacedae- 
mo'nian general, arrive with a force that soon relieved them 
from all their fears ; and in a little time reduced the Athe'- 
nians to a more deplorable situation than that in which they 
themselves were before placed.* 8. Gylip'pus, conscious 
of his own strength, and perhaps a little actuated, by Spar- 
tan pride, send a herald to the Athe'nians, to acquaint them 
that he would allow them five days to leave Sicily. Ni"- 
cias did not deign to give any answer to this proposal, and 
both sides, therefore, prepared themselves for battle. 

9. In the first engagement the Spartans were defeated, 
chiefly on account of the narrowness of the ground where 

* It was chiefly owing to the influence of Alcibiades, who was ex- 
tiemely active in revenging the injustice which he had experienced from 
his countrymen, that these Spartan succours were sent. Corinth like- 
wise, at his instigation, assisted in the defence of Syracuse. 



SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. 177 

they fought, which was between the two walls that the 
Athenians had raised to invest the city ; and as this pre- 
vented Gylip'pus from extending his lines, or making use 
of his horse, the Athe'nians got the better. 10. Gylip'pus, 
however, had the magnanimity, or rather, indeed, the good 
policy, to take the whole blame of the miscarriage upon 
himself. He declared that he, and not his men, was in 
fault ; and that he would soon take an opportunity of reco- 
vering his honour and their own. 11. Accordingly, the 
very next day, attacking the enemy in a more advantageous 
spot, he obtained over them a more complete victory than 
they had gained over him : so much does the event of a 
battle depend upon the nature of the ground where it is 
fought. 

12. Ni"cias, being by this means obliged to act upon the 
defensive, took possession of Plemmy'rium, near the great 
harbour, where he built three forts, and almost shut himself 
up in garrison, as the Laceda3irio'nians were now considera- 
bly strengthened by a reinforcement they received from 
Corinth. 13. In this state of affairs, Ni"cias transmitted 
to Athens a most melancholy account of his present situa- 
tion, informing his countrymen, that instead of besieging 
the Syracu'sans, he himself was now besieged by them, 
and their allies ; that the towns revolted from him, the slaves 
and mercenaries deserted, and his troops were employed in 
guarding the forts, and bringing in provisions, in which last 
service many of them were cut off by the enemy's horse. 
14. He added, that unless a reinforcement was sent him, 
equal to that with which he had originally set out, it was in 
vain to think of attempting any thing farther ; and, at all 
events, he begged that he himself might be recalled, as his 
health was so much impaired as to render him incapable of 
going on with the service. 15. This last part of his request, 
however, the Athenians would by no means consent to ; but 
they resolved to send out Euryme'don and Demos'thenes 
with fresh supplies ; the former immediately, with ten gal- 
leys, and the other early in the spring with a stronger force. 
At the same time they appointed Menan'der and Euthyde'- 
mus as assistants to Ni"cias ; and these immediately joined 
him. 

16. But Gylip'pus was determined to be beforehand with 
the Athe'nians, and to crush, if possible, the force they now 
had in Sicily, before the succours should arrive. For this 
purpose, he persuaded the Syracu'sans to hazard a battle by 



ITS HISTORY OF GREECE. 

sea, while he should endeavour to storm the forts of Plem- 
my'rium. 17. The former part of the scheme failed ; the 
latter succeeded. The Athe'nians had only sixty ships to 
oppose to eighty of the Syracu'sans ; but, as they were greatly 
superior to them in naval skill, they at last got the better, 
though victory seemed at first to incline to the side of the 
enemy. The Athe'nians lost three ships in the engage- 
ment ; but the Syracu'sans had nine sunk, and three taken. 
18. In the mean time, Gylip'pus attacking the forts of Plem- 
my'rium, while many of those who defended them were 
gone to the shore, in order to view the sea-fight, he carried 
the largest of them by storm : and so intimidated the 
garrisons of the other two, that they immediately abandon- 
ed them. 

19. Encouraged by this success, he resolved to repeat 
his blow before the arrival of the Athe'nian succours. He 
therefore persuaded the Syracu'sans to venture another 
battle by sea. They did so, and with a greater degree ot 
good fortune than had attended them on the former occasion. 
20. Ni"cias would willingly have declined this engagement : 
but he was overruled, or rather over-persuaded, by his two 
colleagues, Menan'der and Euthyde'mus. The Athe'nians 
had seventy-five galleys, the Syracu'sans eighty. 21. The 
first day the two fleets continued in sight of each other, 
without coming to a general engagement, and only a few 
skirmishes passed between them. The Syracu'sans did 
not make the least motion the second day. But on the 
third day they came up much sooner than usual, when a 
great part of the day was spent in skirmishing, after which 
they retired. 22. The Athe'nians, not imagining they 
would return again that day, did not keep themselves in 
readiness to receive them. But the Syracu'sans, having 
refreshed themselves in great haste, and gone on board their 
galleys, attacked the Athe'nians unawares, and in a little 
time threw them into irretrievable confusion. 23. These 
last, indeed, would have received a much more severe blow, 
had they not taken shelter behind their transports, which 
had been previously drawn up in aline to protect them. 
They lost, however, on this occasion seven galleys; and a 
great number of their soldiers were either killed or taken 
prisoners 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ATHENIAN EXPEDITION. 179 

Questions for Examination. 

1. What were the first operations of Nicias in the ensuing spring? 

2. Was this post well defended ? 

3. What works did he construct, and what loss did he sustain ? 

4. Did the Syracusans repeat their attempt ? 

5. How did Nicias act in this emergency ? 

6. What was the consequence of this success"? 

7. Were the Syracusans dispirited, and what happened to encourage 

them 1 

8. What was Gylippus's first measured 

9. What was the event of this battle ! 

10. On whom did the blame fall? 

1 1 . Did he fulfil his declaration ? 

12. What was the consequence of this victory? 

1 3. What report did Nicias make of his situation ? 

14. What further did he urge ? 

15. Were his requests complied with? 

16. How did Gylippus endeavour to render these succours useless 7 

17. Were his plans successful ? 

1 8. What was his success by land ? 

19. Did he pursue his advantages ? 

20. What induced the Athenians to hazard this engagement ? 

21. What took place on the first day ? 

22. How were the Athenians thrown off their guard ? 

23. Was their loss great ? 



SECTION IV. 

DESTRUCTION OF THE ATHENIAN EXPEDITION. 

Like the leaves of the forest when summer is green, 
That host with their banners at sunset were seen : 
Like the leaves of the forest when autumn hath blown, 
That host on the morrow lay withered and strown. — Byron. 



r b.c. 
t 413. 



his present unhappy situation, and looking forward 
with terror to the still more melancholy prospect that lay 
before him, he was relieved from all his uneasiness by the 
arrival of Demos'thenes' fleet, which now came forward in 
great pomp and splendour. 2. It consisted of seventy- 
three galleys, on board of which were five thousand fight- 
ing men, and above three thousand archers, slingers, and 
bowmen. All the galleys were richly decorated, and their 
prows adorned with costly streamers ; they were manned 
with chosen rowers, commanded by experienced officers, 
and furnished, at a vast expense, with all sorts of warlike 
instruments at that time in use. As they approached the 
shore the sound of trumpets, mixed with repeated shouts 



180 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

and loud acclamations, made the whole city resound. This 
air of pomp and triumph Demosthenes purposely affected, 
to strike terror into the enemy. 3. This was a force, which, 
if properly managed, might have turned the scale of victory 
yet once more in favour of the Athe'nians ; but by the pre- 
cipitancy of Demos'thenes, and the other generals, in oppo- 
sition to the more cautious measures recommended by 
Ni"cias, it only served to heighten their disgrace and the 
enemy's triumph. 

4. It was resolved in a council of war to attack the town 
immediately; and, as a previous step, to make themselves 
masters of Epi'polae. 5. In their first assault upon this 
place, which was made by night, they stormed the outer 
intrenchment ; but, as they were advancing towards the 
second, they were suddenly attacked by the forces of the 
city, which had marched under arms out of their lines, and 
were supported by Gylip'pus. 6. These, however, being 
seized with a panic, which the darkness increased, were 
soon put to flight; but a body of Bceo'tians who followed 
them made a more vigorous stand, and marching against the 
Athenians with their pikes presented, repulsed them with 
great slaughter. 7. This spread a universal terror through 
the rest of the army : those who fled, either forced along 
such as were advancing to their assistance, or else, mistaking 
them for enemies, turned their arms against them : they 
were all mixed indiscriminately, it being impossible, amidst 
the horrors of so dark a night, to distinguish friend from 
foe ; and death was frequently inflicted by that hand, from 
which, in the day-time, protection would have been received. 
8. The Athenians sought for each other to no purpose ; and 
from their often asking the word by which only they were 
able to know one another, a strange confusion of sounds 
was heard, which occasioned no little disorder ; not to men- 
tion that they by this means divulged their watchword to 
the enemy, and could not learn theirs ; because, by their 
being together, and in a body, they had no occasion to repeat 
it. 9. In the mean time, those who were pursued threw 
themselves from the tops of the rocks, and many were 
dashed to pieces by the fall ; and as most of those who 
escaped straggled up and down the fields and woods, they 
were cut to pieces the next day by the enemy's horse, who 
pursued them. 10. Two thousand Athenians were slain in 
this engagement, and a great quantity of arms were taken , 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ATHENIAN EXPEDITION. 181 







Nicias consulting the soothsayers. 

those who fled having thrown them away, that they might 
be the better able to escape over the precipices. 

11. Thus were at once blasted all the flattering hopes 
which the Athenians had conceived on the arrival of De- 
mos'thenes ; and Gylip'pus, having soon after made the tour 
of Sicily, and brought in with him a great number of fresh 
troops, acquired by that means such an undisputed supe- 
riority over the Athenians, that convinced of their utter 
inability to make any further head against him, they resolved 
immediately to abandon the island, and return to their own 
country.* 12. But just as they were upon the point of 
embarking, (wholly unsuspected by the enemy, who never 
supposed they would quit the island so soon,) the moon 
was suddenly eclipsed ; and as this was a phenomenon with 
the real cause of which they were utterly unacquainted, 
they concluded it to be a prodigy or portent, and therefore 
dreaded the consequences. 13. It had been customary, 
upon former occasions, to suspend the execution of any en- 
terprise for three days after such an accident happened : but 
the soothsayers, being now consulted, said that the Athe- 
nians must not sail till nine times three days were past, 
which doubtless was a mysterious number in the opinion 
of the people. 14. Ni"cias, scrupulous to a fault, and full 

* Nicias, who dreaded the vengeance of a populace irritated by un- 
expected reverses, at first opposed this measure, trusting that the Syra- 
cusans, whose resources he knew to be exhausted, would propose terms 
of accommodation. At length, however, a pestilence broke out in thts 
camp, and he consented to give orders for a retreat. 

Q 



182 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

of a mistaken veneration for those blind interpreters of the 
will of the gods, declared that he would wait a whole revo- 
lution of the moon, and not set sail till the same day of the 
next month. 

15. The Syracu'sans, however, being informed of the 
intended departure of the Athenians, were determined not 
to let them retire in peace, and, if possible, not at all ; but 
either to cut them off entirely, or oblige them to surrender 
as prisoners of war. 16. For this purpose they attacked 
the intrenchments immediately, and gained a slight advan- 
tage over them : the next day they made a second attack, 
and at the same time sailed with seventy-six galleys against 
eighty-six of the Athenians. 17. After an obstinate dispute 
the Athenians were defeated with the loss of eighteen of 
their ships, which were taken by the enemy, and their crews 
cut in pieces. Eurym'edon too, their commander, lost bis 
life in the engagement. 

18. In order to prevent their escaping by sea, the enemy 
shut up the mouth of the great harbour, which was about 
five hundred paces wide, with galleys placed cross-wise, 
and other vessels, fixed with anchors and iron chains, and 
at the same time made the requisite preparations for a battle 
in case they should have courage to engage again. 19. The 
Athenians seeing themselves cooped up in this manner, and 
having no other means of procuring provisions but by being 
masters of the sea, were obliged to hazard another engage- 
ment upon that element. 20. Both commanders exerted 
all their eloquence to animate their men, and none could be 
actuated by stronger motives than now influenced them ; for 
upon the issue of the battle which was about to be fought, 
depended not only their own lives and liberties, but even the 
fate of their native country. 21. This battle was more ob- 
stinate and bloody than any of the preceding ones. The 
Athenians being arrived at the mouth of the port, easily 
took the first ships they came to : but when they attempted 
to break the chain of the rest, the enemy poured in upon 
them from all quarters. 22. As nearly two hundred galleys 
came rushing on each side into a narrow place, there must 
necessarily be very great confusion, and the vessels could 
not easily advance or retire, or turn about to renew the 
attack; the beaks of the galleys, for this reason, did little 
execution ; but there were very furious and frequent dis- 
charges. 23. By the advice of Arislon the Corinthian, the 
Athenians were overwhelmed with a shower of stones, 



DESTRUCTION OF THE ATHENIAN EXPEDITION. 183 

which annoyed them much, killing and wounding- great 
numbers : whereas they defended themselves only by shoot- 
ing darts and arrows, which, by the motion of the ships, 
were diverted from their aim, and seldom hit the mark at 
which they were levelled. 24. These discharges being 
over, the heavy armed soldiers attempted to board the 
enemy's ships, in order to fight hand to hand : and it fre- 
quently happened that, while they were climbing up one 
side of these, their own ships were entered on the other, so 
that two or three ships were sometimes grappled together, 
which occasioned great confusion. 25. Add to this, that 
the noise of the ships which dashed against one another, 
and the different cries of the victors and the vanquished, 
prevented the orders of the officers from being distinctly 
heard. The Athenians wanted to force a passage, whatever 
might be the consequence, in order to secure their return to 
their own country ; and this the enemy endeavoured to pre- 
vent, that they might thereby gain a more complete victory. 
26 The two land-armies, which were drawn up on the 
highest part of the shore, were spectators of the action, 
while the inhabitants of the city ran to the walls in order 
to behold it. All these saw clearly, because of their little 
distance from the fleets, every thing that passed, and con- 
templated the battle as from an amphitheatre, but not with- 
out great anxiety and terror. 27. Attentive to, and shudder- 
ing at, every movement, and the several changes of fortune 
that happened, they discovered the concern they had in the 
battle, their fears, their hopes, their grief, their joy, by dif- 
ferent cries and different gestures : stretching out their hands 
sometimes towards the combatants to animate them, at other 
times towards heaven, to implore the succour and protection 
of the gods. 28. At last the Athenian fleet, after making a 
long and vigorous resistance, was put to flight, and driven 
on shore. The Syracu'sans, on the walls, seeing their coun- 
trymen victorious, conveyed the news to the whole city by 
a universal shout. The victors immediately sailed towards 
Sy'racuse, where they erected a trophy ; while the Athe- 
nians were so much dejected, that they did not even request 
the dead bodies of their fellow-soldiers to be delivered to 
them, in order to honour them with the rites of burial. 



184 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Questions for Examination. 

1. What removed uneasiness from the mind of Nicias 7 

2. Of what did this force consist 7 

3. Was this force equivalent to its object 7 

4. What was resolved on 7 

5. What was their success 7 

6. Was their opposition vigorous 7 

7. What were the consequences of this repulse 7 

8. What contributed to the defeat of the Athenians 7 

9. What became of the fugitives 7 

10. What loss did the Athenians sustain 7 

1 1. Was this engagement decisive 7 

12. What hindered the accomplishment of their purpose 7 

13. How long did this delay them 7 

14. Did Nicias obey this injunction 7 

15. Were they suffered to retire unmolested 7 

16. How did they attempt this 7 

17. What was the result of this engagement 7 

18. How were they prevented escaping by sea 7 

1 9. How did the Athenians act under these circumstances 7 

20. How did they endeavour to animate the courage of the combatant* J 

21. How did the engagement commence 7 

22. Had they room to manage their vessels properly 7 

23. In what manner were the Athenians annoyed 7 

24. What followed these discharges 7 

25. What increased the confusion 7 

26. Who were the spectators of this encounter 7 

27. How did they discover the concern they had in the battle 7 

28. What was the result of the engagement 7 ■ 



SECTION V. 

SURRENDER OF THE ATHENIANS. 

They came, like a mountain torrent red 
That thunders o'er its rocky bed ; 
They sunk, like that same torrent's wave 
When swallowed by a darksome cave. — Scott. 

1. There now remained but two methods for them to 
choose ; either to attempt the passage a second time, for 
which they had still ships and soldiers sufficient, or to 
abandon their fleet to the enemy, and retire by land. 2. De- 
mos'thenes recommended the former plan ; but the soldiers 
were so much intimidated by their late defeat, that they had 
not courage to undertake it. The second method was there- 
fore adopted; and they accordingly prepared to set out in 
the night, the better to conceal their march from the enemy. 
3. Hermo'crates, however, the Syracu'san general, was 
extremely unwilling that so large a body of men (amount- 



SURRENDER OF THE ATHENIANS. 185 

ing to nearly forty thousand) should be suffered to depart, 
lest they should fortify themselves in some corner of the 
island, and renew the war. At the same time he knew it 
would be impossible to persuade the Syracu'sans to oppose 
their march that evening, as they were engaged in cele- 
brating their late victory, and solemnizing the festival of 
Her'cules. 4. He therefore fell upon another expedient. 
He sent out a few horsemen, who were to pass for friends 
of the Athenians, and ordered them to tell Ni"cias not to 
retire till daylight, as the Syracu'sans lay in ambush for 
him, and had seized on all the passes. 

5. Ni"cias was so weak as to believe this intelligence, 
and accordingly delayed his departure not only that even- 
ing, but the whole of the next day, in order that the soldiers 
might have more time to prepare for their march, and carry 
off whatever might be necessary for their subsistence. 
6. But this delay afterwards proved fatal to them ; for early 
the next morning the enemy took possession of all the diffi- 
cult avenues, fortified the banks of the rivers in those parts 
where they were fordable, broke down the bridges, and sent 
detachments of horses up and down the plain ; so that 
there was no place which the Athenians could pass without 
fighting. 

7. They set out upon their march the third day after the 
battle, with a design to retire to Cat'ana.* 8. Their army 
was divided into two bodies, both drawn up in the form of 
a phalanx ; the first being commanded by Ni"cias, and the 
second by Demos'thenes, with the baggage in the centre. 
9. In this manner they proceeded for several days, during 
which they were terribly harassed by the enemy, who 
hung upon their rear, and overwhelmed them with showers 
of darts and arrows, but never would stand a general engage- 
ment when the Athenians offered them battle. 

10. Finding, therefore, their numbers daily decrease, and 
being at the same time in extreme want of provisions, they 

* Nothing could be more affecting than the commencement of this 
retreat. Great numbers, either dead or dying, were abandoned to wild 
beasts or the cruelty of the enemy. Some, who were sick or wounded, 
hanging on the necks of their friends and companions, conjured them, 
with many tears, to take them with the army ; others, dragging them- 
selves along, followed, as far as their strength allowed, and, when this 
failed, had recourse to tears and sighs, calling upon the gods as well as 
men to revenge this apparent cruelty ; so that every place resounded 
with groans and mournful lamentations. 
Q2 



186 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

altered their plans, and, instead of continuing their march to 
Cat'ana, they directed their route towards Camari'na and 
Ge'la. 11. As this scheme was executed in the night, it 
was attended with so much confusion, that the rear-guard, 
under Demos'thenes, soon parted from the main body, and 
lost their way. The next day the Syracusans came up with 
them, and surrounded them in a narrow place ; and though 
they defended themselves for some time with incredible 
bravery, yet finding it impossible to effect their escape, they 
were at last obliged to surrender prisoners of war, which 
they did upon condition that they should not be put to 
death, nor condemned to perpetual imprisonment. About 
six thousand men surrendered on these terms. 

12. In the mean time, Ni"cias proceeded on his march, 
and, crossing the river Erine'us, encamped on a mountain, 
where the enemy overtook him the next day, and summoned 
him to surrender, as Demos'thenes had done. 13. Ni"cias 
at first could not beli ,ve what they told him concerning De- 
mos'thenes, and therefore begged leave to send some horse 
to inquire into the truth ; but when he found that matters 
really were so, he offered to defray all the expenses of the 
war, provided they would suffer him to quit the island with 
his forces. 14. This proposal, however, was rejected by 
the enemy, who immediately renewed the attack ; and 
though Ni"cias defended himself during the whole night, 
and even continued his march next day to the river Asina'- 
rius, yet he was quickly pursued thither by the Syracu'sans, 
who drove most of the Athenians into the stream ; the rest 
having already thrown themselves into it, in order to quench 
their burning thirst. 15. Here the most terrible havoc en- 
sued;* so that Ni"cias, finding all things desperate, was 
obliged to surrender on this single condition, that Gylip'- 
pus should discontinue the fight, and spare the lives of his 
men. 16. The lives of the men, indeed, were spared; but 
Ni"cias and Demos'thenes, after being scourged with rods, 
were cruelly put to death ; a striking proof of the barbarity 
of the age. By this savage act, the Syracu'sans tarnished 
the glory they had acquired by the gallant defence of their 
city, and the signal victory they had won. 

* So intent were they on quenching their thirst, that they took no 
measures to defend themselves, though what they drank was rather the 
blood of their companions than the waters of the stream. The Asina- 
rius was for many miles dyed with their blood, eighteen thousand Athe- 
nians having on this occasion been inhumanly slaughtered. 



TREAT MI NT OF THE PRISONERS. 187 

17. It must be owned, indeed, that Gylip'pus, and even 
many of the Syracu'sans themselves, did all they could to 
save the lives of the Athenian generals ; but the great body 
of the people, urged on by their orators, and particularly by 
Di'ocles, one of their most popular leaders, could be satis- 
fied by nothing less than the blood of these two illustrious 
men.* 18. The fate of Ni"cias is the more to be lamented, 
as no man was ever more remarkable for humanity and good 
nature ; and though he headed this expedition in obedience 
to the commands of his countrymen, yet he did every thing 
in his power to prevent them from undertaking it. Demos'- 
thenes too was a man of so respectable a character, that 
the famous orator of the same name, many years after, 
valued himself on account of his being of the same family. 

19. As to the prisoners, they were shut up in the dun- 
geons of Sy'racuse, where many of them perished through 
want and bad treatment ; and those that survived, being 
afterwards sold for slaves, recommended themselves so 
strongly to their masters by their modest, prudent, and in- 
genuous behaviour, that many of them soon obtained their 
liberty. 20. Some, however, owed that favour to their 
being able to repeat the finest scenes of Eurip'ides* trage- 
dies, of which the Sicilians were passionately fond : so that 
when they returned to their own country, they went and 
saluted the poet as their deliverer, and informed him of the 
great advantage they had derived from being acquainted with 
his verses. 

21. The Athe'nians were so little prepared to receive the 
news of this defeat, or rather, indeed, they were so confident 
of receiving accounts of a contrary nature, that they con- 
demned to death the man that first brought the intelligence , 
but when they found that matters were really worse than 
fame had reported, they were at once overwhelmed with 
grief and despair. 22. They had never indeed been 
reduced to so deplorable a condition as they now were, hav- 
ing neither horse, foot, money, ships, nor mariners ; in a 
word, they sunk into the deepest despondency, and expected 
every moment that the enemy, elate with so great a victory, 
and strengthened by the junction of the allies, would come 

* Among others who pleaded for the lives of the Athenian command- 
ers, Nicolaus, a venerable old man, who had lost two sons in the war, 
was none of the least earnest. In an eloquent and impressive speech, he 
entreated his countrymen to pity them in their distress : but his argu- 
ments and eloquence were alike unavailing. 



188. HISTORY OF GREECE. 

and invade Athens both by sea and land with all the forces 
of Peloponne'sus. 23. Ci'cero, therefore, had reason to 
say, when speaking of the battles in the harbour of Syracuse, 
that it was there the troops of Athens, as well as their gal- 
leys, were ruined and sunk, and that in this harbour the 
power and glory of the Athe'nians were miserably ship- 
wrecked. 

24. The Athe'nians, however, did not suffer misfortune 
to render them inactive, but assumed courage from despair. 
They raised money for building new ships ; they retrenched 
all superfluous expenses : and they established a council of 
old men, to examine every matter before it was brought into 
the assembly of the people. In a word, they took every 
step that could possibly tend to retrieve their ruined affairs, 
or at least prevent them from growing worse. 25. But 
nothing could restore them to their former splendid condi- 
tion; for from this time forward the Athe'nians present us 
with a very different picture from what they have hitherto 
done. We are no longer to behold them making a figure in 
fine arts and arms, giving lessons in politeness, humanity, 
philosophy, and war, to all the nations around, and aiming 
at the erection of an empire, which, if once thoroughly 
established, would have bid defiance to all the neighbouring 
states. 26. Instead of aspiring to the conquest of their 
neighbours, they are now content with defending their own 
territories at home : instead of directing the councils and 
conducting the confederate armies of Greece, they now 
confine all their attention to their own private affairs ; they 
in a manner became annihilated ; they fade from the eyes 
of the historian ; and other nations, whose names have 
hitherto been scarcely mentioned, emerged from obscurity. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What two methods remained for the Athe'nians to adopt in this 

extremity '! 

2. Which plan was chosen 1 

3. Were they suffered to depart unmolested 1 

4. By what stratagem did he delay their retreat ? 

5. Did this stratagem succeed ? 

6. What was the consequence of this delay? 

7 When did they commence their march 1 

8 What was the order of march ' 
9. Was their retreat unmolested 1 

10. What new measure was adopted ? 



SECOND PELOPOXXESIAN WAR 189 

II. Was this alteration justified by the event ? 

\2. What became of Nicias in the mean time ? 

13. What was the reply of Nicias ? 

14. Was this proposal accepted 1 

15. What occurred at this river ? 

16. Were the conditions complied with 1 

17. Had they no advocates in Syracuse 1 

IS. What rendered their fate peculiarly hard ? 

19. What became of the other prisoners 1 

20. Was this the case with all ? 

2 1 . How was the news received in Athens 1 

22. Was their situation desperate ? 

23. What was Cicero's opinion of the consequences of this miscarriage ? 

24. What was the conduct of the Athenians in this distressing posture 

of affairs ] 

25. Were their efforts effectual 1 

26. What alteration took place in their conduct ? 



SECTION VI. 

SECOND PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 

The heroes heard, and all the naval train 

That tend the ships, or guide them o'er the main, 

Alarmed, transported at the well-known sound, 

Frequent and full the great assembly crowned ; 

Studious to see the terror of the plain. 

Long lost to battle, shine in arms again. — Homer. 

1. It was in this deplorable state of the Ath-e'nian affairs, 
that Alcibi'ades, finding his influence with the Spartans on 
the decline, made proposals for returning home, provided 
the administration of the republic was put into the hands of 
the great and powerful, and not left to the populace, who 
had expelled him. 2. In order to induce his countrymen 
to agree to these terms, he offered to procure them not only 
the favour of Tissapher'nes, the king of Persia's lieutenant 
with whom he had taken refuge, but even that of the king 
himself, upon condition they would abolish the democracy, 
or popular government : because the king, he said, would 
place more confidence in the engagements of the nobility, 
than in those of the giddy and capricious multitude.* 
3. The chief man, who opposed his return, was Phryn'icus, 
one of the generals ; who, in order to accomplish his pur- 
pose, sent word to Asty'ochus, the Lacedsemo'nian general, 
that Alcibi'ades was using his utmost endeavours to engage 

* As Alcibi'ades, while resident at Sparta, conformed to the plain 
dress and coarse fare of the Lacedaemonians, so, on his taking refuge in 
Persia, he adopted the customs and manners of that nation, and became 
a great favourite with Tissaphernes, though the Satrap was a professed 
enemy to the Greeks. 



193 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Tissapher'nes in the Athe'nian interest, and offered to be- 
tray to him the whole army and navy of the Athenians. 
4. But his treasonable practices being detected by the good 
understanding between Alcibi'ades and Asty'ochus, he was 
stripped of his office, and afterwards stabbed in the market- 
place. 

5. In the mean time, the Athe'nians proceeded to com 
plete that change of government, which had been proposed 
to them by Alcibi'ades ; the democracy began to be abolished 
in several of the smaller cities, and soon after the scheme 
was carried boldly into execution in Athens itself, by Pei- 
san'der, who had the chief hand in this transaction. 6. To 
give a new form to the government, he caused ten commis- 
sioners to be appointed, with absolute power, who were, 
however, at a certain fixed time, to give the people an ac- 
count of what they had done. 7. At the expiration of that 
term the general assembly were summoned, in which the 
first resolution was, that every one should be permitted 
to make such proposals as he thought fit, without being 
liable to any accusation, or consequent penalty for infringing 
the law. It was afterwards decreed, that a new council 
should be formed, with full power to administer the public 
affairs, and elect new magistrates. 8. For this purpose 
five presidents were established, who nominated one hun- 
dred persons, including themselves ; each of these chose 
and associated three more at his own pleasure, which made 
in all four hundred, in whom an absolute power was lodged. 
9. But to amuse the people, and gratify them with the 
shadow of a popular government, whilst they instituted a 
real oligarchy, it was said, that the four hundred would 
call a council of five thousand citizens to assist them, 
b.c. \ whenever they should find it necessary. The assem- 
411. 5 blies of the people, indeed, were still held as usual; 
but nothing was done in them but by order of the four hun- 
dred. 10. In this manner were the Athe'nians deprived of 
their liberty, after having enjoyed it almost a hundred years 
from the time of destroying the tyranny of the Peisistra', 
tidae. 

11. This decree having passed without opposition ; after 
the breaking up of the assembly, the four hundred, armed 
with daggers, and attended by a hundred and twenty young 
men, whom they made use of when any emergency re- 
quired it, entered the senate, and compelled the senators to 
retire, after having paid them the arrears of their salaries 



TYRANNY OF THE FOUR HUNDRED. 191 

that were still due. 12. They elected new magistrates out of 
their own body, observing the usual ceremonies upon such 
occasions. They did not think proper, however, to recall 
those who had been banished, lest they should authorize 
the return of Alcibi'ades, whose uncontrollable spirit they 
dreaded, and who would soon have made himself master 
of the government. 13. Abusing their power in a tyranni- 
cal manner, they put some to death ; others they banished, 
and confiscated their estates with impunity : all who ven- 
tured to oppose this change or even to complain of it, were 
butchered upon false pretexts, even those were intimidated 
who demanded justice of the murderers.* 14. The four 
hundred, soon after their establishment, sent ten deputies to 
Samos for the army's approbation of their conduct ; but 
they protested against these proceedings in the city ; and, 
by the persuasion of Thrasybu'lus, recalled Alcibi'ades, 
and created him general, with full power to sail directly to 
the Peirseeus, and crush this new tyranny. 15. Alcibi'ades, 
however, would not give way to this rash opinion, but went 
first to show himself to Tissapher'nes, and let him know 
that it was now in his power to treat with him either as a 
friend or an enemy ; by which means he awed the Athe- 
nians with Tissapher'nes, and Tissapher'nes with the Athe- 
nians. 16. When, afterwards, the four hundred sent to 
Samos to vindicate their proceedings, the army was for 
putting the messengers to death, and persisted in the design 
upon the Peirseeus ; but Alcibi'ades, by opposing it, mani- 
festly saved the commonwealth. 

17. Meanwhile the innovation in Athens had occasioned 
such factions and tumults, that the four hundred were more 
intent upon providing for their own safety than carrying on 
the war ; and the better to accomplish this purpose, they 
fortified that part of the Peiree'eus which commands the 
mouth of the haven, and resolved, in case of extremity, 
rather to let in the Lacedasmo'nians, than expose their per- 
sons to the fury of their fellow-citizens. 18. The Spartans 
took occasion, from these disturbances, to hover about with 
forty-two galleys, under the conduct of Hegesand'rides ; 
and the Athenians with thirty-six, under Timoch'ares, were 
forced to engage them, but lost part of their fleet, and the 

* It appears, however, that this severity ofthe four hundred lasted 
no longer than till they thought themselves firmly established in 
power : after this, their administration was mild. 



192 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

rest was lispersed : to add to their misfortunes, all Eubce'a, 
except Ore'um,* revolted to the Peloponne'sians. 

19. This failure of success gave the finishing blow to the 
power of the four hundred ; the Athenians, without delay, 
deposed them, as the authors of all the calamities under 
which they groaned ; Alcibi'ades was recalled by unanimous 
consent, and earnestly solicited to make all possible haste to 
the assistance of the city. 20. But judging that if he re- 
turned immediately to Athens, he should owe his recall to 
the compassion and favour of the people, he resolved to 
render his return glorious and triumphant, and to deserve it 
by some considerable exploit. 

21. For this purpose, leaving Samos with a small number 
of ships, he cruised about the islands of Cos and Cni'dos; 
and having learnt that Min'darus, the Spartan admiral, had 
sailed to the Hellespont,! with his whole fleet, and that the 
Athenians were in pursuit of him, he steered that way with 
the utmost expedition to support them, and arrived happily 
with his eighteen vessels at the time the fleets were engaged, 
near Aby'dos, in a battle, which lasted till night, without 
any advantage on either side. 22. His arrival gave new 
courage to the Spartans at first, who believed he was still 
their friend ; but Alcibi'ades, hanging out the Athenian flag 
in the admiral's galley, immediately fell upon them, and 
put them to flight; and pursuing his blow, sunk many of 
their vessels, and made a great slaughter of their soldiers, 
who leaped into the sea to save themselves by swimming. 
The Athenians, after having captured thirty of their galleys, 
and retaken those they had lost, erected a trophy. 

23. Alcibi'ades, after this victory, went to visit Tissa- 
pher'nes, who was so far from receiving him as he expected, 
that he immediately caused him to be seized, and sent away 
to Sardis, telling him that he had orders from the king to 
make war upon the Athenians : but the truth is, he was 
afraid of being accused to his master by the Peloponne' 
sians, and thought, by this injustice, to purge himself from 
all former imputations. 24. Alcibi'ades, after thirty days 
made his escape to Clazom'enae, and soon after bore down 
upon the Peloponne'sian fleet, which rode at anchor before 
the port of Cy'zicus. With twenty of his best ships he 

* A principal town in that district. 

j- A narrow sea, which separates Europe and Asia, and is now palled 
the Dardanelles. 



RETURN OF ALCIB1ADES. 193 

broke through the enemy, pursued those who abandoned 
their vessels and fled to land, and made a great slaughter. 
The Athenians took the enemy's whole fleet, except the 
Syracu'san galleys, which were burned by the Sicilian 
admiral, Hermoc'rates, and made themselves masters of 
Cy'zicus, while Myn'darus, the Lacedaemonian general, was 
found among the number of the slain. The result of the 
action was related in few, but expressive words, by Hippo- 
crates, the second in command, in a letter written to the 
Spartan senate, which was intercepted by the Athenians — 
"All is lost, our ships are taken, Myn'darus is slain, the 
men want bread, we know not what to do." 

25. Alcibi'ades well knew how to make use of the ad- 
vantage he had gained, and, at the head of his victorious 
troops, took several cities which had revolted from the 
Athenians, among which were Chalce'don, Selym'bria, and 
Byzan'tium. An invasion of Sicily by the Carthagenians* 
prevented the Syracusans from sending succours to their 
allies, and thus he was enabled to avail himself of the su- 
periority he had obtained. 26. Thus flushed with success, 
he seemed to desire nothing more than to be once more seen 
by his countrymen, as his presence would be a triumph to 
his friends, and an insult to his enemies. He accordingly 
set sail for Athens. 27. Besides the ships covered with 
bucklers and spoils of all sorts, in the manner of trophies, 
a great number of vessels were also towed after him r b.c. 
by way of triumph ; he displayed likewise the en- £ 407. 
signs and ornaments of those he had burnt, which were 
more than the others, the whole amounting to about two 
hundred ships. 

28. It is said that, upon approaching the port, and reflect- 
ing on what had been done against him, he was struck with 
some apprehensions, and was afraid to quit his vessel, till 
he saw from the deck a great number of his friends and 
relations, who were come to the shore to receive him, and 
earnestly entreated him to land. 29. As soon as he was 
landed, the multitude, who came out to meet him, fixed 
their eyes upon him, thronged about him, saluted him with 
loud acclamations, and crowned him with garlands. 30. He 
received their congratulations with great satisfaction ; he 
desired to be discharged from his former condemnation, and 
obtained from the priests an absolution from all their former 
denunciations. 

* See Historical Miscellany, part II, chap, J- 

R 



194 HISTORY OF GREECE 

Questions fur Examination 

1. What proposals were made by Alcibiades ] 

2. What inducements did he offer 1 

3. Who opposed his return 1 

4. Was this treacherous offer accepted 1 

5. What were the proceedings of the Athenians ? 

6. What was his first measure 1 

7. What was his next step 1 

8. How was this to be done ? 

9. What was done to amuse the people ? 

10. What was the event 7 

11. What coercive measures did the four hundred adopt* 

12. How did they next proceed 1 

13. How did they exercise their power ? 

14. Did the army approve of their government 1 

15. Did Alcibiades adopt tins measure 1 

1 6. What was the conduct of the army 1 

17. What were the consequences of the innovation 1 

18. What farther misfortunes attended the Athenians 1 

19. What consequences resulted from these failures 1 

20. Did he comply with the wishes of the Athenians 1 

21. What enterprise did he undertake 1 

22. What happened on his arrival 1 

23. Whither did Alcibiades repair after his victory ? 

24. What became of Alcibiades after this 1 

25. What farther enterprises did he undertake ? 

26. What was his principal wish ] 

27. What was the manner of his return 1 

28. Did he feel no apprehension on approaching Athens 1 

29. How was he received 1 

30. What was his conduct on the occasion ? 



SECTION VII. 

SECOND PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 

Ungrateful times, that impiously neglect 

The worth which never times again shall show. — Daniel. 

I. Yet, notwithstanding these triumphs, the real power 
of Athens was now no more ; the strength of the state was 
gone ; and even the passion for liberty was lost in the com- 
mon degeneracy of the time. 2. Many of the meaner sort 
of people earnestly desired Alcibi'ades to take upon him the 
sovereign power, and to set himself above the reach of envy, 
by securing all authority in his own person. 3. But the 
great were neither so warm nor so injudicious in their 
expressions of gratitude. They contented themselves with 
appointing him generalissimo of all their forces : they granted 



SECOND PELOPONXESIAN WAR. 195 

him whatever he demanded, and gave him for colleagues the 
generals most agreeable to him. 4. He set sail accordingly, 
with a hundred ships, and steered for the island of Andros,* 
that had revolted, where having defeated the inhabitants, he 
went to Sa'mos, intending to make that the seat of war. 
5. In the mean time, the Lacedaemo'nians, alarmed at his 
success, made choice of a general every way qualified tc 
make head against him. This was Lysan'der, who, though 
born of an illustrious family, had been inured to hardships 
from his earliest youth, and was strongly attached to the 
manners and discipline of his country. 6. He was brave, 
ambitious, and circumspect ; but, at the same time, cunning, 
crafty, and deceitful ; and these latter qualities prevailed so 
much through his whole life, that it was usually said of him, 
that he cheated children with foul play, and men with oaths : 
and it is reported to have been a maxim of his, that, when 
the lion's strength fails, we must make use of the subtilty 
of the fox. 

7. Lysan'der, having brought his army to Eph'esus,t 
gave orders for assembling ships of burthen from all parts, 
and erected a dock for the building of galleys : he made the 
port free for merchants, and, by encouraging trade of every 
kind, laid the foundation of that splendour and magnificence 
to which Eph'esus afterwards attained. 8. Meanwhile, re- 
ceiving advice that Cy'rus, the king of Persia's son, was 
arrived at Sardis, he went thither to pay him a visit, and at 
the same time to complain to him of the conduct of Tissa- 
pher'nes, whose duplicity, he said, had proved fatal to their 
common cause. 9. Cy'rus was sufficiently disposed to 
listen to any complaints against Tissapher'nes, to whom he 
himself had a personal enmity ; he therefore came readily 
into the views of Lysan'der, and at his request increased the 
pay of the seamen. 10. The last circumstance had a sur- 
prising effect : it almost instantly unmanned the galleys of 
the Athenians, and supplied the Lacedaemo'nian fleet with 
plenty of sailors, who, without inquiring into the justice of 
the cause on either side, went over to that party which gave 
the best pay. 

11. Nor was this the only misfortune which the Athe'- 
nians now met with ; for Alcibi'ades, being obliged to leave 
the fleet in order to raise the supplies, gave the command 
of it to Anti'ochus, with strict orders not to attack or engage 

* An island in the iEgean sea. 

f A city of Ionia, famous for a splendid temple of Diana 



196 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the enemy in his absence. 12. But Anti'ochus, desirous 
of distinguishing himself by some great action before the 
return of Alcibi'ades, sailed directly for Eph'esus, and used 
every art to provoke the enemy to an engagement. 13. Ly- 
san'der at first contented himself with sending out a few 
ships to repel his insults ; but the Athenian galleys ad- 
vancing to support their commander, other Lacedaemo'nian 
vessels likewise came on, till at last both fleets arrived, and 
the engagement became general. After a sharp struggle, 
Lysan'der obtained the victory, having killed Antio'chus, 
and taken fifteen of the Athenian galleys. 14. It was in 
vain that Alcibi'ades soon after came up to the relief of his 
friends ; it was in vain that he offered to renew the combat 
Lysan'der was too wise to hazard the advantage he had 
gained by venturing on a second engagement. 

15. This misfortune proved fatal to the reputation of Al- 
cibi'ades, though indeed it was his own glory that ruined 
him : for the people, from his uninterrupted success, had 
conceived so high an opinion of his abilities, that they 
thought it impossible for him to fail in any thing he seri- 
ously undertook. Thrasybu'lus, who had been one of the 
most zealous in procuring his restoration, now appeared as 
his accuser, and asserted, probably not without foundation, 
that Alcibi'ades was lavishing the treasures of the state in 
extravagant debauchery, and was erecting a castle on the 
coast of Thrace, in which he might take refuge from the 
just vengeance of the republic. In consequence of this, 
Alcibi'ades was ordered to resign the command of the fleet, 
and return home to stand his trial. Dreading the fury of 
the Athenian populace, he would not obey the summons, 
but fled for safety to his Thracian castle. 

16. About the same time, Callicrat'idas was appointed 
to succeed Lysan'der, whose year was expired. This man 
was equal to his predecessor in courage, and greatly supe- 
rior in probity and justice, being as open and ingenuous as 
the other was cunning and crafty. 17. His first attempt 
was against Methym'na in Lesbos, which he took by storm. 
He then pursued Co'non, who had succeeded Alcibi'ades, 
into the port of Mityle'ne with a hundred and seventy sail, 
took thirty of his ships, and besieged him in the town, from 
which he cut off all provisions. 18. He soon after took 
ten ships more out of twelve that were coming to the relief 
of Conon. Then, hearing that the Athenians had fitted out 
their whole strength, consisting of a hundred and fifty sail, 



SECOND I'ELOPONNESIAN WAR. 197 

he left fifty of his ships under Eteoni'cus, to carry on the 
siege of Mityle'ne, and with a hundred and twenty more 
met the Athenians at Arginu'sae, over against Lesbos.* 
19. His pilot, advising him to retreat because the enemies 
were superior in number, "Sparta," replied he, "will be 
never the worse inhabited though I should be slain." The 
fight accordingly was immediately begun, and was main- 
tained for a long time with equal bravery on both sides, till 
at last the ship of Callicrat'idas, charging through the midst 
of the enemy, was sunk, and the rest fled. 20. The Pelopon- 
ne'sians lost about seventy sail, and the Athenians twenty- 
five, with most of the men in them. 

21. The Athenian admirals, instead of being rewarded 
for the victory they had gained, were severely punished for 
a supposed neglect of duty. They were, accused of not 
having done their utmost to save their men who had been 
shipwrecked ; and they were accordingly sent home in 
irons, to answer for their conduct. They alleged, in their 
defence, that they were pursuing the enemy ; and that they 
gave orders about taking up the men to those whose business 
it more particularly was ; particularly to Therame'nes, who 
now appeared against them ; but that their orders could not 
be executed, on account of a violent storm which happened 
at that time.t 23. This plea seemed so satisfactory, that 
several stood up and offered to bail them; but in another as- 
sembly the popular incendiaries demanded justice, and so 
awed the judges, that Soc'rates was the only man who had 
courage enough to declare that he would do nothing con- 
trary to law, and accordingly refused to act. 24. After a 
long debate, eight of the ten were condemned, and six of 
them were put to death ; among whom was Per'icles, son of 
the great statesman of the same name. 25. He maintained 
that they had failed in nothing of their duty, as they had 
given orders for the dead bodies to be taken up ; that if any 
one was guilty, it was Therame'nes himself, who, being 
charged with these orders, had neglected to put them into 

* Some writers say that the force of the Lacedaemonians was likewise 
a hundred and fifty ships, which is probable, if they added the thirty 
lately taken from the Athenians to the former force. 

f The Athenian admirals, before they sailed in pursuit of the enemy, 
left fifty galleys with Theramenes and Thrasybulus, expressly for the 
pious purpose of rescuing the dead bodies from the waves. Thus the 
ingratitude and injustice of the Athenians seem as surprising as they 
were monstrous. ^ 

V,2 



198 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

execution : but that he accused nobody, and that the tem- 
pest, which came on unexpectedly at the very instant, was 
a sufficient apology, and entirely freed the accused from all 
guilt. 26. He demanded that a whole day should be allow- 
ed them to make their defence, a favour not denied to the 
most criminal, and that they should be tried separately. He 
represented that they were not in the least obliged to pre- 
cipitate a sentence in which the lives of the most illustrious 
citizens were concerned ; that it was in some measure 
attacking the gods, to make them responsible for the winds 
and weather; they could not, without the most flagrant 
ingratitude and injustice, inflict death upon the conquerors, 
to whom they ought rather to decree crowns and honours, 
or give up the defenders of their country to the rage of those 
who envied them ; that if they did so, their unjust judg- 
ment would be followed by a sudden but vain repentance, 
which would leave behind it the sharpest remorse, and cover 
them with eternal infamy. 

27. Among the number also was Diome'don, a person 
eminent for his valour and probity. As they were carrying 
him to execution, he demanded to be heard. 28. " Athe- 
nians," said he, " I wish the sentence you have passed 
upon us, may not prove the misfortune of the republic: but 
I have one favour to ask of you in behalf of my colleagues 
and myself, which is, to acquit us before the gods of the 
vows we made to them for you and ourselves, as we are not 
in a condition to discharge them ; for it is to their aid, 
invoked before the battle, that we acknowledge that we are 
indebted for the victory gained by us over the enemy." 
29. There was not a good citizen that did not melt into tears 
at this discourse, so full of piety and religion, and behold 
with surprise the moderation of a person, who, seeing 
himself unjustly condemned, did not express the least re- 
sentment, nor even utter a complaint against his judges, 
but was .solely intent in favour of an ungrateful country, 
which had doomed them to perish for an imputed fault 
which it was impossible for them to avoid.* 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Did the late successes restore prosperity to Athens? 

2. What was the wish of the common people ? 



Tall 



* The names of those who suffered were Diome'don, Thrasyl'lus, 
illi'ades, Lyrfas, Aristop'rates, and Prr'iclrs. 



SECOND PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 199 

3. What was the conduct of the higher ranks 7 

4. What was his first exploit 7 

5. What steps were taken to check his career? 

6. What was the character of Lysander 7 

7. What were the first measures of Lysander 7 

8. W T hat was his next proceeding 7 

9. Did Cyrus listen to these complaints 1 

10. What was the effect of this liberality 7 

1 1. Was this the only misfortune that befell them? 

12. Were his orders obeyed 7 

13. What was the conduct of Lysander on the occasion 7 

14. Did Alcibiades repair this disaster? 

1 5. What was the consequence of this misfortune ? 

16. Who was appointed to succeed Lysander ? 

1 7. What were his first exploits 7 

18. Did he follow up his successes ? 

19. What was the advice of his pilot, and his reply ? 

20. What was the event of the battle 7 

21. What was the recompense of the victorious admirals 7 

22. What was their defence 7 

23. Was their defence satisfactory 7 

24. What was the result 7 

25. What observation did he make 

26. What farther did he represent 7 

27. Who else was among the number ? 

28. Repeat his speech. 

29. What was the effect of this speech 7 



SECTION VIII. 

SECOND PELOPONXESIAN WAR, CONTINUED. 



1. This complication of injustice and ingratitude gave the 
finishing blow to the affairs of the Athenians ; they strug- 
gled for a while after the defeat at Sy'racuse, but from this 
time they rapidly declined, though seemingly in the arms 
of victory. 2. The enemy, after their defeat, had once more 
recourse to Lysan'der, who had so often led them to con 
quest ; in him they placed their chief confidence, and ear- 
nestly solicited his return. 3. The Lacedaemo'nians, there- 
fore, to gratify their allies, and yet to observe their laws, 
which forbad that honour being twice conferred on the same 
person, sent him with an inferior title, but with the power 
f admiral. 4. Thus appointed, Lysan'der sailed towards 
the Hellespont, and laid siege to Lamp'sacus,* which he 

* Now Lamaski, a town of Asia Minor, to the north of Abydos. 



200 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

took by storm, and abandoned to the mercy of the soldiers 
5. The Athenians, who followed him close, upon the news 
of his success, steered forward toward Oles'tus, and thence, 
sailing along the coast, halted over against the enemy at 
JE'dos Pot'amos, or the goat's river, a town situated on a 
small river of the same name in the Thfacian Chersone'sus, 
a place fatal to the Athenians. 

6. The Hellespont is not above two thousand paces broad 
in that place. The two fleets, seeing themselves so near to 
each other, expected only to rest that day, and hoped to 
come to an engagement on the next. 7. But Lysan'der had 
another design in view. He commanded the seamen and 
pilots to go on board the galleys, and hold themselves in rea- 
diness, as if they were really to fight next morning. He 
likewise commanded the land army to be drawn up in battle 
array upon the coast, and to wait his orders in profound 
silence. 8. On the morrow, as soon as the sun was risen, 
the Athenians rowed towards them with their whole fleet, 
and offered them battle ; which, however, Lysan'der did not 
think proper to accept, even though his ships were ranged 
in perfect order, with their heads towards thj enemy. 
9. The Athenians, ascribing this conduct to fear or cow- 
ardice, retired in the evening, and thinking they were in no 
danger, went ashore to amuse and regale themselves, as if 
no enemy had been nigh. Of this last circumstance Lysan'- 
der was fully informed, by some galleys he sent out to 
observe their motions. 10. To throw them, therefore, into 
still greater security, and to put them more off their guard, 
he allowed the three following days to pass in the same 
manner, during each of which the Athenians came regularly 
up and offered him battle, which he as regularly persisted 
to decline. 

11. In the mean time, Alcibi'ades, who since his disgrace 
had lived in Thrace, and was much better acquainted with 
the character of the Lacedaemo'nians, and particularly with 
that of Lysan'der, than the present Athenian generals, came 
and warned them of their danger : he even offered, with a body 
of Thracian troops, to attack the enemy by land, and thus 
force them to a battle. 12. But the Athenian generals, 
jealous of their honour, and fearing that if the event proved 
successful, Alcibi'ades would enjoy all the glory, and if 
otherwise, that the whole blame would fall upon them, not 
only refused his assistance, but even rejected his salutary 



SECOND PELOPOXNESIAN WAR. 201 

advice.* 13. The consequence was, that, on the evening 
of the fifth day, when they had retired as usual, and their 
men were all gone on shore, and dispersed up and down the 
country, Lysan'der came suddenly upon them with his 
whole force, and attacking them in this unprepared and 
defenceless condition, easily made a capture of their whole 
fleet, except nine galleys, (including the sacred ship,) with 
which Co'non contrived to escape to Cy'prus, where he' 
took refuge with Evag'oras, king of Sal'amis, the principal 
city in that island, who had been long remarkable for his 
love of the Athenians. 14. This was one of the most mas- 
terly strokes of generalship that ever was performed in 
ancient, or perhaps even in modern times ; for by it Lysan'- 
der, in the space of an hour, put an end to a war that had 
already lasted twenty-seven years, and but for him would 
probably have lasted much longer. 

15. The number of prisoners amounted to three thousand, 
and the fate of these is a shocking proof of the barbarous 
manners of the age ; these unhappy men were instantly put 
to death, though this was said to be only by way of retalia- 
tion; for that the Athenians had caused to be thrown down 
a precipice all the men that were taken in two Lacedaemo- 
nian galleys, and had likewise made a decree for cutting off 
the thumb of the right hand of all the prisoners of war, in 
order to disable them from handling the pike, and that they 
might be fit only to serve at the oar. 16. Philoc'les, the 
chief author both of this barbarous act and this severe de- 
cree, was now called upon to show what he could urge in 
his defence, when he haughtily replied — " Accuse not peo- 
ple of crimes who have no judges, but as you are victors 
use your right, and do by us as we had done by you if we 
had conquered." The only person who was saved out of 
the whole number was Adiaman'tus, who had opposed the 
decree. 

17. The Athenians were no sooner informed of the entire 
defeat of their army, than they were overwhelmed with 
consternation. They already thought they saw Lysan'der 
at their gates : nor was it long before he came there. 
18. But before he did so, he commanded all the Athenians 

* The manner in which his advice and assistance were rejected was 
insulting in the extreme. They told him that they wondered at his 
assurance, who was an exile and a vagabond, to come and give laws to 
them, threatening, if he came any more, to seize him and send him to 
Aahens. 



202 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

that were scattered up and down in different parts of Greece 
to take shelter in Athens on pain of death. This he did 
with a design so to crowd the city, that he might be able 
soon to reduce it by famine. 19. His scheme succeeded ; 
for Agis and Pausa'nias, the two kings of Sparta, having be- 
sieged it by land, and Lysan'der himself blocking it up by 
sea, the wretched Athenians, after undergoing the most in- 
tolerable hardships, were driven to such extremity, that they 
sent deputies to Agis, with offers of abandoning all their 
possessions, their city and port only excepted. 20. The 
haughty Lacedaemo'nians referred their deputies to the state 
itself; and when these suppliants made known their com- 
mission to the Eph'ori, they were ordered to depart, and 
come again with other proposals, if they expected peace. 

21. At length Theram'enes, an Athenian, undertook to 
manage the treaty with Lysander ; and after a conference, 
which lasted three months, he received full powers to treat 
at Lacedae'mon. 22. When he, attended by nine others, 
arrived before the Eph'ori, some of the confederates repre- 
sented the necessity of destroying Athens entirely, without 
listening to any further proposals. 23. But the Lacedaemo'- 
nians would not consent to the destruction of a city which 
had preserved the general independence of Greece in the 
most critical juncture : they therefore agreed to a peace 
upon these conditions : that the long walls and fortifications 
of the Peirae'eus should be demolished ; that they should 
deliver up all their ships but twelve ; that they should restore 
their exiles ; that they should make a league offensive and 
defensive with the Lacedaemo'nians, and serve them in all 
their expeditions, both by sea and land. 

24. Theram'enes, being returned with the articles to Athens, 
was asked why he acted in a manner so contrary to the inten- 
tions of Themis 'tocles, and gave those walls into the hands 
of the Lacedaemo'nians which he built in defiance of them ? 
25. " I have my eye," said he, " upon Themis'tocles' 
design; he raised those walls for the preservation of the 
city, and I for the very same reason would have them de- 
stroyed ; for if walls only secure a city, Sparta, which 
has none, is in a very bad condition." 26. Such an answer 
would not have satisfied the Athenians at any other time ; 
but, being now reduced to the last extremity, it did not ad- 
mit of a long debate whether they should accept the treaty. 
b.c. | 27. At last Lysan'der, coming to the Peirae'eus, de- 
404. 5 molished the walls with great solemnity, and all the 



SECOND PELOPONNESIAX WAR. 203 

insulting triumphs of music* Thus was a period put to 
the famous Peloponne'sian war, the longest, the most 
expensive, and the most bloody, in which Greece had ever 
been engaged. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the situation of the Athenians after their defeat at 

Syracuse 1 

2. To whom did the enemy have recourse ? 

3. Was Lysander again appointed ? 

4. What was his first enterprise 1 

5. How did the Athenians act on the occasion 1 

6. Were the hostile fleets near each other 1 

7. Were their hopes fulfilled ? 

8. What happened on the morrow ? 

9. To what was this conduct ascribed by the Athenians ? 
J 0. What farther steps did Lysander take 1 

1 1. By whom were the Athenian troops warned of their danger 1 

] 2. How were his offers received 1 

13. What was the consequence] 

14. Was this a masterly manoeuvre? 

15. How were the prisoners treated 1 

16. How did the authors of these cruelties behave in adversity ? 

17. How did the Athenians receive the news of this calamity] 

18. What previous measures did he adopt ? 

19. Was his scheme successful? 

20. Were their offers accepted 1 

2 1 . Who undertook to manage the treaty 1 

22. What measures were represented as necessary 1 

23. Did the Lacedaemonians adopt this harsh expedient 1 

24. How were these terms received 1 

25. What was Theramenes' answer 1 

26. Was this answer satisfactory 1 

27. Was it executed 1 

* This mortifying occurrence took place on the very day of the year 
on which the Athenians beat the Persians at Salamis. 



204 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

CHAPTER X. 

FROM THE DEMOLITION OF THE ATHENIAN POWER TO THE PEACE 
OF ANTALCIDAS. 

SECTION I. 

THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 

But by the tyrant's heart let fear be known. 
Let the judge tremble who perverts his trust, 

Let proud' oppression totter on his throne ; 
Fear is a stranger to the good and just. 

1. Though the Lacedsemo'iiians would not consent to the 
entire destruction of Athens, as they would not be guilty, 
they said, of putting - out one of the eyes of Greece, yet 
they not only reduced it to the lowest condition in point of 
political consequence, but even altered the form of its 
government ; for they compelled the people to abolish the 
democracy, and submit to the government of thirty men, 
who were commonly known by the name of the thirty 
tyrants. 2. Instead of compiling and publishing a more 
perfect body of laws, which was the pretence for their being 
chosen, they began to exercise a power of life and death ; 
and though they appointed a senate, and other magistrates, 
they made no farther use of them than to confirm their own 
authority, and see their commands executed. At first, it is 
true, they proceeded with some caution, and condemned 
only the most profligate sort of citizens, viz. such as lived 
by informing and giving evidence against their neighbours. 
But this was only to blind the eyes of the populace ; their 
real design was to make themselves absolute : and, as they 
well knew that this could not be done without a foreign 
power, they next contrived to have a guard sent from Sparta. 
This guard was commanded by one Callib'ius, whom they 
soon won over to their designs ; and from this time forward 
they proceeded to act without control, filling the city with 
the blood of those, who, on account of their riches, interests, 
or good qualities, were most likely to oppose them. 

3. One of their first acts of cruelty was to procure the 
death of Alcibi'ades, who had taken refuge in the dominions 
of Persia. This man, though driven from his country, did 
not cease to interest himself in its welfare ; and the tyrants, 
dreading that, by his popularity at Athens, where he was 
still much beloved, he would thwart all their schemes, en 
treated the Lacedaemo'nians to rid them of so formidable 



THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 



205 




Death of Alcibiades. 



an opponent. This request the Lacedaemo'nians had the 
meanness to comply with, and accordingly wrote to Phar- 
naba'zus, the Persian governor, for that purpose. 4. The 
satrap had always envied the illustrious Athenian, and was 
now particularly anxious for his destruction, as Alcibi'ades 
had penetrated the secret of the rebellion designed by the 
Persian prince Cy'rus against his brother, and had revealed 
it to Pharnabazus, who Was anxious to possess the undi- 
vided merit of the discovery at the court of Artaxerxes. 
5. The manner of this great man's death did not disgrace 
the high character for courage he had maintained during 
life. The assassins sent against him were afraid to attack 
him openly : they, therefore, surrounded the house in which 
he was, and set it on fire. Alcibi'ades forced his way 
ihrough the flames, sword in hand, and drove the barbarians 
before him, not one of whom had the courage to oppose 
him; but all of them discharging their darts and javelins 
upon him from a distance, he at last fell covered with 
wounds, and expired. Timan'dra, his mistress, took up his 
body, and having covered and adorned it with the finest 
robes she had, she made as magnificent a funeral for it as 
her present circumstances would allow. 

6. The tyrants, though eased of their apprehensions from 
this quarter, began to dread an opposition from another, that 
is, from the general body of the people, whom they well 
knew to be dissatisfied with their conduct: they, therefore, 
invested three thousand citizens with some part of their 
power, and by their assistance kept the rest in awe. En- 
S 



206 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

couraged by such an accession of strength, they soon pro- 
ceeded to still greater extremities than any they had hitherto 
ventured on ; they agreed to single out every one his man 
to put him to death, and seize his estate for the maintenance 
of their guard. 

7. Theram'enes, one of their number, was struck with 
horror at their proceedings : Crit'ias, therefore, the principal 
author of this detestable resolution, thought it necessary to 
take him out of the way, and he accordingly accused him 
to the senate of endeavouring to subvert the government. 
8. The eloquent defence of the accused produced a great 
effect on the assembly, and would have led to his acquittal, 
had not Crit'ias surrounded the place of trial with armed 
men, who significantly exhibited the points of their daggers, 
and thus terrified the senate into a verdict of guilty. Sen- 
tence of death was immediately passed upon him, and he 
was obliged to drink the juice of hemlock, the usual mode 
of execution at that time in Athens. 9. His fate would have 
deserved greater commiseration, had he not been himself 
the foremost in procuring the judicial murder of the admi- 
rals who had gained the battle of Arginu'sae. Soc rates, 
whose disciple he had been, was the only person of the 
senate who ventured to appear in his defence ; he made an 
attempt to rescue him out of the hands of the officer of jus- 
tice, and after his execution, went about as it were in defi- 
ance of the thirty, exhorting and animating the senators and 
citizens against them. 

10. The tyrants, thus freed from the opposition of a col- 
league whose presence was a continual reproach to them, 
set no longer any bounds to their cruelty and rapacity. 
Nothing was now heard of but imprisonments, confiscations, 
and murders ; every one trembled for himself or his friends, 
and, amidst the general consternation which had seized the 
citizens on account of their personal danger, all hope seems 
to have been lost of recovering public liberty. 

11. The Lacedaemo'nians, not content with supporting 
the thirty tyrants in the exercise of their cruelty, were un- 
willing to let any of the Athenians escape from their hands. 
They published an edict to prohibit the cities of Greece 
from giving them refuge, decieed that such of them as fled 
should be delivered up to the thirty, and condemned all those 
who contravened this edict to pay a fine of five talents. 
12. Two cities only, Meg'ara* and Thebes,t rejected with 

* The capital of Megaris. f The capital of Boeotia. 



THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 207 

disdain so unjust an ordinance. The latter went still further, 
and published a decree, that every house and city in Boeo'tia 
should be open and free for any Athe'nian that desired pro- 
tection, and that whoever did not assist a fugitive Athe'nian 
who was seized, should be fined a talent. 13. Thrasybu- 
lus, a man of an amiable character, who had long deplored 
the miseries of his country, was now the first to relieve it. 
At Thebes he held a consultation with his fellow-citizens, 
and the result was, that some attempt, with whatever danger 
it might be attended, should certainly be made for restoring 
the public liberty. Accordingly, with a party of thirty men 
only, as Ne'pos says, but as Xen'ophon more probably 
relates of nearly seventy, he seized upon Phy'le, a strong 
castle on the frontier of Attica. 14. This enterprise alarmed 
the tyrants, who immediately marched out of Athens with 
their three thousand followers, and their Spartan guard, and 
attempted the recovery of the place, but were repulsed with 
loss. Finding they could not carry it by a sudden assault, 
they resolved upon a siege; but not being sufficiently pro- 
vided for that purpose, and. a great snow falling in the night, 
they were forced to retire the next day into the city, leaving 
only part of their guard to prevent any further incursions 
into the country. 

15. Encouraged by this success, Thrasybu'lus no longer 
kept upon the defensive, but marching out of Phy'le, by 
night, at the head of a thousand men, made himself master 
of Peiree'eus. The thirty flew thither with their troops, 
and a battle ensued ; but as the soldiers on one side fought 
with spirit and ardour for their liberty, and on the other 
with indolence and neglect for the power of their oppressors, 
the victory was not long doubtful, but followed the better 
cause : the tyrants were overthrown ; Crit'ias was killed 
upon the spot; and as the rest of the army were taking to 
flight, Thrasybu'lus cried out, " Wherefore do you fly from 
me as a victor, rather than assist me as the avenger of your 
liberty? We are not enemies, but fellow-citizens : neither 
have we declared war against the city, but against the thirty 
tyrants." He entreated them to remember, that they had 
the same origin, country, laws, and religion ; he exhorted 
them to pity their exiled brethren, to restore them to their 
country, and resume their liberty themselves. This dis- 
course had the desired effect. The army, upon their return 
to Athens, expelled the thirty, and substituted ten persons 



208 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

to govern in their room, whose conduct, however, provfd 
no better than that of their predecessors. 

16. Though the government was thus altered, and the 
thirty deprived of their power, they still had hopes of being 
reinstated in their former authority, and sent deputies to 
Sparta to demand aid. Lysan'der was for granting it to 
them ; but Pausa'nias, who then reigned in Sparta, moved 
with compassion at the deplorable condition of the Athe'- 
nians, favoured them in private, and obtained a peace for 
them :* it was sealed with the blood of the tyrants, who, 
having taken arms to restore themselves to power, were put 
to the sword, and Athens left in full possession of its liberty. 
b.c. -£ 17. Thrasybu'lus then proposed an amnesty, by 
403. 3 which the citizens engaged upon oath that all past 
actions should be buried in oblivion. The government was 
re-established upon its ancient footing, the laws recovered 
their former vigour, the magistrates were elected with the 
usual ceremonies, and democracy was once more restored to 
this unfortunate people. These events took place in the 
archonship of Eucli'des, and hence the phrase, " before 
Eucli'des," became a proverbial expression for events be- 
yond the time of legal memory. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. How did the Lacedaemonians treat the Athenians? 

2. In what manner did the thirty tyrants behave ? 

3. Of what illustrious person were the tyrants afraid ? 

4. Why was Pharnabazus jealous of Alcibiades ? 

5. How was Alcibiades slain ? 

6. Did the tyrants share theii power with any portion of the people ? 

7. Why did Thera-nencs incur the hatred of his associates 1 

8. Does any circumstance diminish our pity for his fate ? 

9. How did Socrates prove his courage and love of justice? 

10. Did the tyrants persevere in cruelty ? 

1 1. How did the Lacedaemonians act? 

12. Did any of the Grecian states shelter the Athenians 

13. Who attempted the liberation of Athens ? 

14. Did the enterprise succeed ? 

15. By what prudent conduct did Thrasybulus engage the army t 

dethrone the tyrants ? 

16. On whom did the tyrants depend for succour ? 

17. How was the state of Athens finally settled ? 

* Pausanias, it is probable, was more actuated by envy of Lysander 
than by compassion for the Athenians, in his opposition to the plans of 
that general. Whatever might be his motive, however, Athens owed to 
him that she was not annexed to the dominions of Sparta. 



ACCUSATION OF SOCRATES. 209 




Socrates taking leave of his family in Prison. 

SECTION II. 

THE DEATH OF SOCRATES. 

Thy crime was to be kind, 

To render with thy precept3 les3 

The sum of human wretchedness. 
And strengthen man with his own mind. — Byron. 

1. The many revolutions which had lately taken place in 
the Athenian form of government, and the gross injustice 
with which trials involving party feeling had been conducted, 
produced a very injurious effect on the minds of the people, 
and made them the easy dupes of orators, who nattered their 
vanity, and inflamed their passions. This was fatally ex- 
perienced by Socrates, the wisest and best of the Athenian 
philosophers, who found that neither the innocence of his 
life, nor his abstinence from public affairs, could protect him 
from the envy and malice of his enemies. 2. He had been 
originally the son of a sculptor, and is said to have worked 
as a statuary in his early life ; but he deserted this occupa- 
tion for the study of philosophy, and avoiding the idle dis- 
quisitions of his contemporaries, aimed at forming such a 
system of morals as might best contribute to the happiness 
of individuals, and the security of the state. 3. There 
were then in Athens a number of public lecturers called So- 
phists, who professed to instruct youth in eloquence and 
reasoning ; they regarded truth as a matter of indifference, 
and declared themselves ready to maintain any assertion, 
however false or absurd, by their skill in argument. Such 
men could not fail of procuring a great .lumber of followers 
in a popular state like Athens, where every thing was de- 
cided in the public assemblies. 4. In consequence a great 



210 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

laxity of principle became every where apparent, for nothing 
is more pernicious than the habit of defending falsehood, 
and the profligacy of the public men at Athens, in attacking 
innocence and screening guilt, was as notorious as it was 
abominable. 5. Socrates was a formidable antagonist of the 
Sophists, whose quibbles he overthrew by his strong common 
sense ; but he thus raised up against himself a body of 
powerful enemies, eager to destroy one who thus curtailed 
their profitable employment, and very unscrupulous in the 
use of means by which their object might be effected. 
6. Though Socrates always abstained as much as possible 
from interfering in the affairs of state, we find him coming 
forward on two memorable occasions, to prevent his country- 
men from committing great crimes ; he defended the admi- 
rals for their pretended misconduct at Arginu'sos against the 
infuriate violence of the populace ; and he boldly protested 
against the illegal murder of Therame'nes by the thirty 
tyrants. His intrepidity was exhibited in vain, and he 
provoked on both occasions the hostility of a great number, 
who eagerly sought an opportunity for his destruction. 

7. At length these rhetoricians or teachers of oratory, 
b.c. -£ Meli'tus, Any'tus, and Ly'con, accused Socrates be- 
400. 3 fore the people, of introducing strange gods, and of 
corrupting the youth. 8. This charge should legally have 
been heard before the court of Areopagus, but the accusers 
contrived that it should be tried in the Heli'aea, a court com- 
posed of about five hundred judges, selected indifferently 
from the great body of the people. 9. The friends and 
disciples of Socrates were greatly alarmed at the danger to 
which he was exposed, but he himself remained perfectly 
unmoved ; he rejected the elaborate defence which had been 
prepared for him by Ly'sias, and replied to the charges 
of his accusers with a firmness which enraged his judges, 
who were accustomed to see criminals solicit their mercy. 
10. He was found guilty by a majority of three voices. On 
being asked, according to the strange custom of Athens, to 
name his punishment, he demanded to be maintained in the 
Prytanei'um at the public expense. This completed the 
indignation of the judges, and they immediately sentenced 
him to drink hemlock, the usual manner of executing state 
criminals. 

11. It hap.pened that the day before his trial, the high 
priest had crowned the stern of the vessel sent annually to 
J)e'los to commemorate the liberation of Athens by The- 



RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 211 

seus ; from the performance of this ceremony until the return 
of the vessel, it was unlawful to execute any criminal in 
Athens. Socrates employed this long interval in delivering 
to his pupils those beautiful moral lessons which form the 
principal charm of the dialogues of Pia'to. During these 
thirty days, several plans of escape were projected, but he 
steadily spurned such offers, and when at length the fatal 
vessel returned, he submitted to the unjust sentence with 
he greatest firmness and resignation. The persecution 
raised against Socrates extended also to his disciples, who 
were forced to seek safety in exile ; but in a few years tardy 
justice was done to his memory ; the Athenians, too late 
perceiving their error, turned their anger against those by 
whom they had been instigated to commit such a crime. 
12. Of those who brought about the condemnation of So- 
crates, some were executed, others banished, and many un- 
able to bear the popular odium committed suicide : while the 
Athenian people, passing from one extreme to the other, 
erected a chapel to Socrates, and superstitiously honoured 
him as a god whom they had unjustly condemned as a 
criminal. 

13. While these events took place in Athens, Asia was 
the scene of a brief but glorious struggle, which greatly 
raised the character of the Greeks for valour and conduct. 
Cy'rus, the younger son of Dari'us No'thus, the Persian 
king, had from his infancy shown far superior powers of 
thought and action, to those of his elder brother, Artaxerxes ; 
his mother, Parysa'tis, had vainly laboured to persuade 
Darius to change the order of succession in his favour, but 
the old king steadily refusing, she only succeeded in stimu- 
lating the ambition of one son, and awakening the jealousy of 
the other. 14. Soon after the death of Dari'us, Artaxerxes, 
at the instigation of Tissapher'nes, threw Cyrus into prison, 
and would have put him to death, but for the intercession 
of his mother. At her request, Cyrus was not only par- 
doned, but restored to the government of lesser Asia, which 
he had held in the lifetime of his father. 15. As during his 
former administration, he had been of the most essential 
service to the Spartans, and was indeed the principal cause 
of their great success, he found it easy to renew his alliance 
with that people, while at the same time he conciliated the 
Asiatie Greeks by the justice and mildness of his adminis 
tration. But the memory of the insult he had suffered, and 
the danger he had escaped, still rankled in the bosom of 



212 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Cyrus ; he resolved to dethrone his brother, and for this 
purpose, obtained from the Lacedaemonians permission to 
enlist soldiers in Greece, while he silently assembled an 
army in Asia. 16. The desired leave was granted, a body 
amounting to about thirteen thousand were collected, under 
the command of Clear'chus, from the different states of 
Greece ; several young men of rank joined as volunteers, 
amongst whom was Xen'ophon, the disciple of Socrates, 
who has left us a most interesting narrative of the expe- 
dition. 

b.c. -£ 17. Though Artaxerxes had received frequent 
400. 3 warnings of his danger, he seems to have neglected 
every preparation for resistance, since the army of Cyrus 
marched almost without opposition into the very heart of 
the Persian empire. At length, when the invaders reached 
the plains of Cynax'a, within a day's march of Babylon, 
they suddenly learned that the army of Artaxerxes was in 
their neighbourhood. Immediate preparations were made 
for battle, and a fierce engagement ensued. 18. The Greeks 
totally defeated the wing of the Persians to which they 
were opposed, but their victory was rendered useless by the 
death of Cyrus, who, irritated to madness by the sight of 
his brother, had attacked the royal guard, accompanied only 
by his personal attendants, and had fallen in the encounter. 

19. The victorious Greeks, on returning to their camp, 
were surprised to find that it had been plundered, and that 
no intelligence had been received from Cyrus. The night 
was spent in great anxiety, but the following morning they 
became acquainted with the extent of their misfortune. 
They sent to Ariae'us, the lieutenant of Cyrus, offering to 
place him on the throne of Persia, but the satrap judiciously 
refused, and advised them to join him in retreating to lesser 
Asia. 20. In the mean time, a herald arrived from Ar- 
taxer'xes, commanding the Greeks to surrender their arms, 
which they indignantly refused ; this was followed by a 
second message of a different nature, proposing to treat about 
the safe conduct of the Greeks to their native land. This 
negotiation was protracted for twenty days by the artful 
Tissaphernes, during which time he successfully laboured 
to persuade Ariaeus to purchase a pardon from the king, by 
deserting the Greeks. 21. Soon after Tissaphernes invited 
the Grecian commanders to a conference, and treacherously 
murdered them. 

22. The situation of the Greeks, when they learned the 



RETREAT OF THE TEN THOUSAND. 213 

perfidious assassination of their leaders, was the most de- 
plorable that can be conceived. They were more than twelve 
hundred miles from home, surrounded by lofty mountains, 
deep and rapid rivers, by powerful enemies and perfidious 
friends, without provisions, without horses, and without 
leaders. Yet they overcame all these difficulties, under the 
guidance of the new generals* whom they elected ; they 
fought their way through the great extent of the Persian 
empire, and made their retreat, commonly called the retreat 
of the ten thousand, one of the most celebrated exploits 
recorded in military annals. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What evil effects were produced by the repeated revolutions in 

Athens 1 

2. Who was Socrates? 

3. What pernicious class of public instructers existed in Athens 1 

4. Did any evil result from the teaching of the Sophists 1 

5. By whom were the Sophists opposed l 

6. Did Socrates ever interfere in public affairs 1 

7. Who were the accusers of Socrates ] 

8. Was the trial of Socrates strictly legal 1 

9. Did Socrates make an elaborate defence 1 

10. How did Socrates irritate his judges 1 

11. Why was the execution of the sentence delayed 1 

12. Did the Athenians repent of their injustice to Socrates 1 

13. By whom were the seeds of enmity sown between the sons of Da- 

rius Nothus 1 

14. What additional circumstance increased the hostility of Cyrus against 

his brother 1 

15. To whom did Cyrus apply for assistance 1 

16. By whom were the Grecian auxiliaries commanded ? 

17. Where did the two armies come to an engagement 1 

18. What was the event of the battle 1 

19. How did the Greeks act when they heard of the death of Cyrus 1 

20. Did the Persians make any proposals to the Grecian auxiliaries \ 

21. What act of treachery was perpetrated by the Persians 1 

22. Why is this retreat so celebrated 1 

* The irincipal were Oherisophus the Spartan, and Xenophon the 
Athenian. 



214 HISTORY OF GREECE. 



SECTION III 

THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS. 

Prompt in revenge, and rancorous in hate, 
Resolved to ruin or to rule the slate. — Dryden. 

1. The consequences of the defeat of Oy'rus were exten- 
sively felt in Asia and Europe. Artaxer'xes was naturally 
indignant with the Lacedaemonians for the assistance they 
had given to Cy'rus in his rebellion, and issued orders to 
Tissapher'nes to attack the Asiatic states that were in alli- 
b.c. 7 ance with Sparta. The satrap proceeded with the 
398. 5 troops which he had used in harassing the retreat of 
the Greeks intoiEo'lia, and there laid siege to several cities 
which the Spartans had garrisoned. 2. When the news of 
this reached Greece, Thim'bron was sent into Asia with a 
small body of troops, which he was ordered to increase by 
taking into his pay the surviving remnant of the ten thou- 
sand. 3. These soldiers, after their brilliant retreat from 
Asia, had been taken into the service of Seu'thes, king of 
Thrace, and had enabled him to triumph over all his 
enemies ; but the ungrateful Thracian refused to pay them 
the stipulated reward. They were now reduced to great 
distress, and it was therefore with feelings of great pleasure, 
that Xen'ophon led six thousand men, the remnant of that 
gallant army, to serve under the Spartans. 4. Thim'bron, 
though partially successful, kept such lax discipline, that 
his soldiers were as formidable to their friends as their 
enemies. The allies sent deputies to Sparta complaining 
of the evils which they suffered, and in compliance with 
their request the command of the army was transferred to 
Dercyl'lidas, a general equally remarkable for his valour and 
mtegrity. 5. Under the guidance of their new leader, the 
Spartans made rapid progress, and subdued a great portion 
of lesser Asia. At length the satraps, Pharnaba'zus and 
Tissapher'nes, having collected a very numerous army, 
advanced towards Ephe'sus. Dercyl'lidas having reinforced 
himself with the troops of the Asiatic Greeks, prepared to 
meet him, but the mutual distrust of both generals in their 
followers, prevented an engagement. 6. Dercyl'lidas found 
that he could rely only on his European soldiers, while the 
army of Tissapher'nes, remembering the valour of The 
Ten Thousand, hesitated to engage with any Grecian troops. 
Negotiations for peace were commenced, but during their 



AGESILAUS CHOSEN KIXG OF SPARTA. 215 

progress, Tissapher'nes was engaged in collecting reinforce- 
ments, and especially in preparing a powerful fleet in the 
ports of Phceni'cia. The Spartans, having discovered the 
treachery of the satrap, were enraged with Dercyl'lidas for 
having been so easily duped, and therefore transferred the 
command of the Asiatic army to their young sovereign 
Agesila'us. 

7. A'gis, the late king of Sparta, having very good reason 
to suspect the fidelity of his wife, had long refused to ac- 
knowledge the legitimacy of her son Leoty'chides ; but on 
his death-bed he changed his mind, and declared him the 
lawful inheritor of the crown. The Spartans, however, 
were not satisfied with this late recognition ; they set aside 
Leoty'chides, and raised to the throne Agesila'us, the 
younger brother of their late sovereign. 8. Lysander had 
a principal share in procuring this decision ; the universal 
jealousy and resentment which his own wanton abuse of 
power had excited, prevented him from attaining political 
eminence himself; but his influence in behalf of others was 
still powerful. 9. The form and appearance of Agesilaus 
were mean and diminutive, but the powers of his mind more 
than compensated for the defects of his person ; his character 
was vigorous and energetic, his military talent of the very 
highest order, and his abilities as a statesman still more con- 
spicuous. Truth compels us to add, that his moral character 
was not equally honourable ; in cunning treachery and 
artifice, he rivalled Lysander himself, and was full as un- 
scrupulous in the use of any means by which he might 
obtain the objects of his ambition. 

10. Agesila'us passed over into Asia, at the head r b.c. 
of a powerful army, accompanied by thirty Spartan £ 396. 
senators, at the head of whom was Lysander. The young 
king treated his benefactor, whom he dreaded as a rival, 
with signal ingratitude ; the measures of Lysander were 
continually thwarted, his proposals heard with studied con- 
tempt, until at length wearied out, he returned home disap- 
pointed and disgraced. 11. During two glorious campaigns, 
Agesila'us shook the Persian throne to its very foundation, 
and would probably have anticipated Alexander in the 
destruction of that empire, had he not been called home by 
the news of fresh disturbances in Greece. A little before 
his return, he removed Pha'rax, one of the ablest of the 
Spartan admirals, and gave the command to Pei'sander, a 



210 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

creature of his own, possessing indeed great bravery, but 
totally destitute of skill in naval affairs. 

12. Ever since the overthrow of the Athe'niaTn power, 
the Spartans had been the undisputed masters of Greece, 
and had exercised their power so tyrannically, that their 
name became odious to both their old and their new con 
federates. Artaxerxes, unable to resist the progress of 
Agesila'us in Asia, sent over large sums of money to bribe 
the leaders of several Grecian states, and these hireling 
orators declaimed in every city against the pride and cruelty 
of Sparta. 13. The The'bans were the first who mani- 
fested their hostility by sending assistance to the Lo'crians 
against the Pho'cians, then in alliance with the Lacedaemo'- 
nians. With their usual haughty rashness, the Lacedaemo- 
nian senate, without even condescending to remonstrate, sent 
Lysan'der to invade Boeo'tia, and assembled a second army 
under king Pausa'nias to ensure the complete subjugation 
of the country. 14. Lysan'der having taken some of the 
smaller towns, laid siege to Haliar'tus, but perceiving the 
strength of its fortifications, he sent a trusty messenger to 
hasten the arrival of Pausa'nias. The letter was intercepted 
by the Thebans, who immediately prepared an ambush, and 
then, by exhibiting every sign of fear, induced Lysan'der to 
attack the town without waiting for his sovereign. The 
artifice succeeded ; Lysander on his approach to the town 
was surprised by a sudden and vigorous sally of the garri- 
son ; he was slain in the very first onset, and before his fol- 
lowers could recover from their confusion, their rear was 
assaulted by those who had been placed in ambush, and they 
fell or fled without resistance. Late in the day Pausa'nias 
arrived on the field of action ; but finding the calamity 
irremediable, he sent to the Thebans for permission to bury 
the dead, thus according to the Grecian form acknowledging 
their claim to victory. 

b.c. ") 15. Their defeat at Haliar'tus induced the Spar 
395. 5 tans to recall Agesila'us from Asia, at the very mo- 
ment when he seemed likely to humble the Persian empire 
in the dust. He did not, however, hesitate, but assembled 
the deputies of the Asiatic Greeks, and bade them a finai 
farewell ; many of their soldiers accompanied him as volun- 
teers, and he was thus enabled, after crossing the Helles- 
pont, to pursue the route which Xerxes had taken in his 
invasion of Greece, without any fear of being stopped by a 
superior force. 



THE DEATH OF PEISANDER. 217 

16. But the news of an unexpected calamity, which he 
had himself in some measure caused, reached him on his 
march, and made him sensible of the imminent danger that 
threatened the Spartan power. It has been already men- 
tioned, that Co'non, after the battle of iE'gos Pot'amos, had 
fled to the court of Evag'oras in Cy'prus; by that monarch 
he had been recommended to the satrap Pharnaba'zus, who 
employed the illustrious Athenian in collecting and pre 
paring a fleet in the harbours of Phoe'nicia and Cili'cia. 
While Pha'rax was at the head of the Spartan navy, he 
prevented the union of the detached squadrons, but the 
ignorance of Pei'sander enabled Co'non to execute all his 
projects. 17. Having obtained a large sum of money from 
Artaxerxes he hired the best sailors in the Greek islands, 
and soon after putting to sea, he united his squadron with 
that of Pharnaba'zus, and sailed in search of the Lacedae- 
monians. The hostile fleets met off Cnei'dus, between the 
Spor'ades and the Asiatic coast ; Peisander with his usual 
imprudence precipitated an engagement, in which he was 
defeated and slain, and the Spartans lost their supremacy by 
sea for ever. 

18. The splendid victory which Agesila'us gained over 
the Thebans at Coronei'a, soon after the news reached him, 
could not compensate for the loss of the navy. 19. The 
Athe'nians, who had in some measure recovered their 
strength, began again to triumph on their favourite element, 
and Lacedaemon had no admiral able to compete with Co'non, 
Thrasybu'lus, and Cha'brias. The war continued eight 
years longer, but was principally confined to petty inroads 
and trifling skirmishes in the north of the Peloponnesus, 
the Thebans issuing from Corinth, and the Spartans from 
Sicyon. 20. The Corinthian nobility would gladly have 
made a separate peace, but their leaders were treacherously 
murdered by the popular party, during the solemnity C b.c. 
of a religious festival. This treachery exposed Co- C 394. 
rinth to the mingled evils of foreign dominion and civil war ; 
for the Argives embraced the side of the populace, the 
Spartans that of the nobles, and each alternately ruled 
Corinth as their respective parties prevailed. 

21. Co'non, following up his victory, deprived the Spar- 
tans of all their cities in lesser Asia, except Aby'dus, which 
Dercil'lidas rendered impregnable. The only reward he 
asked from the Persians for his valuable services, was their 
assistance in rebuilding the walls of Athens, which Pharna- 
T 



218 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

ba'zus, moved as much by policy as gratitude, readily 
b.c. "> granted. The Persian fleet, being intrusted to Co'- 
393. 3 non, reduced the islands of the Cyc'lades, and 
Cythe'ra, ravaged the coasts of Laco'nia, and at length 
sailed to the long deserted harbours of Athens. 22. Imme- 
diately on their arrival, they proceeded to repair the ancient 
fortifications ; the soldiers and sailors of the fleet, the neigh- 
bouring Boeo'tians, but above all the inhabitants of Athens, 
laboured with such extraordinary diligence, that the city 
was restored to its former strength before the Spartans could 
take any measures for its prevention. Co'non then em- 
ployed the Persian fleet in restoring the ancient supremacy 
of the Athe'nians over the islands in the JEgean sea, a 
measure so alarming to the Spartans, that they resolved to 
purchase peace from Persia on any terms, however humili- 
ating. 23. They employed as their agent Antal'cidas, a 
Spartan, who had long resided in the East, and who added 
to his native cunning an intimate acquaintance with Asiatic 
habits. The use made of the Persian fleet by Co'non, fur- 
nished him with a pretence for rousing the jealousy of the 
satraps, and he procured the arrest, and probably the murder 
of that admiral. 24. Still Artaxer'xes had been too deeply 
injured by the Spartans to listen to terms of accommodation, 
and Antal'cidas might probably have failed, had not the 
Athenians provoked the resentment of the Persian monarch 
by a rash incursion into Pamphy'lia, in which Thrasybu'- 
lus was slain, and by aiding Evagoras in an attempt to secure 
the independence of Cyprus. 

b.c. 7 25. The terms of the peace were at length settled, 
387. 5 and never was any treaty signed that reflected more 
disgrace on a nation than this did on the Spartans. All the 
Greek cities in Asia, with the peninsula of Clazome'nae and 
the island of. Cy'prus, were given up to the Persians ; all 
the republics of Greece, small and great, declared inde- 
Dendent of each other, and the Spartans under the Persian 
monarch were charged with securing the observance of the 
articles. Thus did Sparta, in order to secure her own pre- 
eminence at home, sacrifice the liberty of the Asiatic Greeks, 
and make the ancient enemy of Hellas the supreme arbiter 
of her destiny. 

26. After many vain remonstrances, Athens, Argos, Co- 
rinth and Thebes, unable to resist the united forces of Sparta 
and Persia, reluctantly assented to the inglorious conditions; 
but Evagoras still determined to maintain Cyprut inde- 






THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAa. 219 

pendent. After a gallant resistance, however, he was obliged 
to submit, but such was the respect inspired by his valour, 
that he was permitted to retain his original dominions on 
condition of paying the former tribute. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What were the consequences of the defeat of Cyrus ] 

2. To whom did the Spartans intrust the command of the troops in 

Asia ] 

3. What became of the relics of The Ten Thousand. 

4. How did Thimbron behave in Asia 1 

5. Why were the Grecian and Persian generals equally unwilling to 

come to an engagement 1 

6. For what reason was Dercyllidas removed from the command 1 

7. How was Agesilaus raised to the Spartan throne 1 

8. Why did Lysander assist Agesilaus 1 

9. What was the character of the new Spartan king ! 

10. How did Agesilaus treat Lysander 1 

1 1 . To whom was the Spartan navy intrusted 1 

12. Why did Artaxerxes easily succeed in exciting war against the 

Spartans in Greece 1 

13. Whom did the Spartans send against the Thebans 1 

14. What were the circumstances of the battle of Haliartus 1 

15. How did Agesilaus return from Asia 1 

16. In what manner was Conon employed 1 

17. How was Sparta deprived of her supremacy by sea ? 

18. Did any victory by land compensate for the defeat at C nidus 1 

19. How long did this war continue ? 

20. To what misfortunes was Corinth subjected ? 

21. Did Conon follow up his victories 1 

22. What benefit did Conon confer on his native country 1 

23. Whom did the Spartans employ to negotiate a peace 1 

24. How did the Athenians incur the resentment of Artaxerxes ? 

25. What were the conditions of the peace of Antalcidas 1 

26. Did any person refuse for a time to submit to these conditions 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE THIRD PELOPONXESIAN WAR. 

The thought 
Of instant action and deliverance 
From Sparta's yoke, revived his hpart and gave 
Fresh impulse to its spring. — Southey. 

1. The supremacy which Sparta had so disgracefully 
purchased by the peace of Antal'cidas was exercised with 
great seventy. They declared war against the little state 
of Mantinei'a, under the pretence, that its inhabitants had 



220 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

furnished corn to their enemies during the late war, and 
after encountering a fierce, but ineffectual resistance, levelled 
the city to the ground. They sent an army to regulate the 
internal condition of Phli'us, and cruelly massacred all those 
whom they suspected of hostility to their interests. 2. Fi- 
ji. c. ") nally they proclaimed war against the Olyn'thians, 
383. 5 for assuming supremacy over the other states on the 
sea-coast of Macedon. During four years the Olyn'thians 
baffled every effort of Sparta and her allies, but at length 
an overwhelming force was sent, which compelled them 
after a siege of eight months to surrender. The terms on 
which peace was granted were sufficiently harsh, but Olyn' 
thus was permitted to retain its independence. 

3. The Olynthian war is, however, principally remark- 
able for a vile instance of treachery exhibited by the Spar- 
tans to a city with which they were in alliance. During 
the first year of the war, Phce'bidas had been sent with a 
numerous reinforcement to the army that had advanced 
against Olynthus ; on his passage through Bceo'tia, he was 
met by some of the aristocratic faction at Thebes, who 
offered to put him in possession of the Theban citadel, pro- 
vided he would aid them in subduing their opponents. 
Phce'bidas without hesitation assented, and being introduced 
by some of the nobles during the night, seized and garri- 
soned Thebes without opposition. 

4. This treacherous occupation of a city by an ally, ex- 
cited universal detestation throughout Greece. The Spartan 
senate felt, or pretended to feel, indignant at the conduct of 
Phce'bidas, but Agesila'us* stood forward as his defender, 
acknowledging, indeed, that his conduct was unjust, but 
dwelling strongly on its utility ; and by his influence it was 
finally resolved, that Phcebidas should be fined a small sum 
for having acted without orders, but that the Spartans should 
retain the fruits of his treachery. 5. The conduct of the 
prevailing faction at Thebes exceeded even the cruelty of 
the thirty tyrants ; most of the leaders of the popular party 
fled to Athens, where they were received with great hospi- 
tality, the rest were butchered without a trial and without 
mercy. 

6. The Thebans, after submitting to this yoke for four 
years, at last threw it off by the following stratagem. A 

* There is every reason to suppose, that Agesilaus had prompted 
Phoebidas to this action. Xenophon, the historian, an Athenian deserter, 
notoriously partial to the Spartans, scarcely denies it. 



THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 221 




The stratagem of Pelopidss. 

v.rtspondence having been established between the The- 
nan exiles at Athens and such of their countrymen as were 
well affected to them in Thebes, a plan was laid for surpris- 
ing the governors and the garrison. 7. The two principal 
exiles that conducted this plot, were Pelop'idas and Me'lon. 
Cha'ron, a man of the first consequence in the city, joined 
in the conspiracy, and offered his house for the reception of 
the exiles when they should arrive ; and Phyl'lidas, secre- 
tary to the governors, managed the correspondence between 
the exiles and the citizens, and promised to admit the 
former into the town. 

8. Matters being thus previously concerted, Pelop'idas 
and Me'lon, with ten associates, dressed themselves like 
peasants, and beat about the fields with dogs and hunting 
poles, as if in search of game. Having thus passed unsus- 
pected, and conveyed themselves into the city, they met at 
Cha'ron's house, where they were soon after joined by 
thirty-six more of their confederates. To render the exe- 
cution of the plot the more easy and complete, Phyl'lidas 
had that clay contrived to give a grand entertainment to the 
two governors, Ar'chias and Philip. 9. But a secret and 
obscure rumour of impending danger had been spread 
through the city, which had almost disconcerted the plot. 
Cha'ron was summoned before the Spartan magistrates, but 
the readiness with which he answered every question check- 
ed their suspicions, and he was permitted to retire. Soon 
after, a new and more alarming danger appeared. , A courier 
arrived from Athens, and forcing his way into the banquet- 
t2 



222 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

room, presented a letter to Archias, declaring that it con- 
tained important tidings. Its contents, indeed, were truly- 
important, for it contained a full exposure of the whole con- 
spiracy. But Archias, who was a professed voluptuary, 
carelessly answered, " Business to-morrow," and thrust the 
letter under his pillow. 

10. The associates divided themselves into two bands. 
One of these, led by Cha'ron and Me'lon, were to attack 
the governors and their company. Accordingly having put 
on women's clothes over their armour, with pine and poplar 
garlands on their heads, to shade their faces, they took the 
opportunity, when the guests were all heated with wine, to 
enter the room, and immediately stabbed Ar'chias and Philip, 
with such others of the company as were pointed out to 
them by Phyl'lidas. In the mean time, Pelop'idas and 
Damocli'des attacked Leon'tidas, another adherent of the 
Spartans, who was at home and in bed. But this man made 
a desperate resistance ; for taking up his sword, he met 
them at his chamber door, and slew the first that set upon 
him : but after a long and violent struggle, he was at last 
overcome by Pelop'idas, who killed him on the spot. His 
friend and neighbour, Hy 'pates, soon after met with the same 
fate : and the two bands then reuniting, sent an account of 
their success to the other exiles at Athens, and entreated 
them to hasten their return to Thebes. 

11. The work, however, was yet but half done. The 
garrison, together with such of the citizens as favoured the 
Spartan cause, had taken refuge in the citadel ; and till 
these were reduced, Thebes could not be said to be free. 
12. But a party of five thousand foot and two thousand 
horse arriving next morning from Athens, and several bodies 
of troops coming in at the same time from different parts of 
Boeo'tia, Pelop'idas soon found himself at the head of so 
powerful an army, that he compelled the garrison to surren- 
der at discretion. 

13. The Spartans, though mortified, were by no means 
dispirited by this reverse of fortune. They made such 
vigorous preparations to restore their power at Thebes, that 
the Athenians resolved to remain neutral, and even renewed 
their alliance with Sparta. But the Spartan general Sphod' 
rias having made an unsuccessful attempt to seize the Pd- 
rae'eus, the Athenians, justly enraged at such an instance of 
perfidy, resolved to assist the Thebans. The Spartans now 
seeing their power attacked by such a formidable coalition. 



I 



THIRD PELOPOXXESIAN WAR. 223 

sent Agesila'us at the head of twenty thousand into Bosotia. 
1 4. The name alone of that general struck terror into the ene- 
my, who, afraid to meet him in the open field, took possession 
of a hill in the neighbourhood of the city. Agesila'us sent 
a party to provoke them to come down, and give him battle ; 
and when he saw that they declined this, he drew out his 
whole army in order to attack them. 15. But Cha'brias, 
who commanded the Athenian auxiliaries, ordered his men 
to present themselves, and keep their ranks elose, with 
their shields laid at their feet, their spears advanced, one leg 
forward, and the knee of the other upon the half bend. 
Agesila'us, finding them prepared in this manner to receive 
him, and that they stood as it were in defiance of him, thought 
fit to withdraw his army, and contented himself with ravag- 
ing the country. This was looked upon as an extraordinary 
stratagem ; and Cha'brias valued himself so much upon it, 
that he procured his statue* to be erected in that posture. 

16. The Spartans had hitherto been deemed unequalled 
in military prowess ; but they now began to be rivalled, 
and even excelled, in that noble quality by the Thebans. 
This particularly appeared in the battle of Tegy'ra.t Pe- 
lop'idas, the Theban general, had resolved to attack Orcho'- 
menus,t which was garrisoned by the Spartans. He, there- 
fore, marched against it with a small party of three hundred 
foot and forty horse ; but, hearing that a large body of Spar- 
tans were hastening to its relief, he thought it best to retire. 
In his retreat he fell in with this reinforcement near Tegy'ra, 
and, finding it impossible to avoid a battle, he resolutely pre- 
pared to engage. 17. After a violent struggle, which was 
maintained with equal bravery on both sides, Gorgo'leon 
and Theopom'pus, the two Spartan generals, fell ; which so 
intimidated their men, that they immediately retired on 
either hand, and opened a way for the Thebans to pass. 
But a safe retreat could not satisfy Pelop'idas. Encouraged 
by his late success, he drew up his men afresh, and renewed 
the battle ; and, after committing a most terrible havoc 
among the enemy, he put them to an entire rout. 

18. This was the most signal disgrace the Spartans bad 

ever met with. They had never before been known to yield 

even to an equal number : but here they were beaten by a 

force not one-third of their own. It must be acknowledged, 

owever, that these three hundred foot were the flower of 

* This statue still exists in Rome. -j- A town in Bceotia. 

X A town in Boeotia. 



224 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the Theban army, distinguished by the name of the sacreo 
band. They were as remarkable for their fidelity to each 
other as for their strength and courage ; they were linked 
together by the bonds of common friendship, and were 
sworn to stand by each other to the last extremity. Thus 
united, they became invincible, and generally turned the 
scale of victory in their favour for a number of years ; till, 
at length, they were cut down as one man, by the Macedo- 
nian phalanx under Philip.* 

19. Pelop'idas was not, however, the only distinguished 
general that Thebes produced. Epaminon'das, his contem- 
porary and colleague in command, was every way his equal, 
and, if possible, his superior. These two great men lived 
in the strictest intimacy and friendship ; and the only cause 
of rivalship between them was, which of them should dis- 
tinguish himself most in promoting the interest and advanc- 
ing the glory of their native country. 20. Epaminon'das 
had spent the early part of his life in the study of philoso- 
phy, remote from the management of public affairs, either 
of a civil or military nature, in neither of which he would 
ever engage, until he was overcome by the importunities of 
his countrymen, who thought they perceived in him, amidst 
all his diffidence and self-denial, the seeds of many great 
and excellent qualities. Nor were they deceived in their 
opinion ; for when he was placed, as it were against his 
will, at the head of an army, he showed the world that an 
application to the polite arts, so far from disqualifying a man 
for a public station, only renders him capable of filling i* 
with more distinguished lustre.t 



Questions for Examination. 

1. How did the Spartans use their new power? 

2. What caused the war between Sparta and Olynthus 1 

3. Did the Spartans commit any act of treachery ] 

4. Was Phcsbidas punished for his treachery ? 

* At the battle of Chseroneia. 

| Epaminondas, in all respects, whether a soldier, statesman, or phi- 
losopher, is allowed to have been not only the first man of his time, but 
the greatest, perhaps, that any age or nation has produced : he was pos- 
sessed of the most eminent virtues, not counterbalanced by a single 
vice. He was descended from one of the greatest and most opulent 
families in Thebes, and received an education every way suited to his 
high rank and expectations. 



THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 225 

5. How did the Theban aristocracy behave ? 

6. How long did the tyranny of the Spartan party at Thebes continue 1 

7. By whom was the plot for the restoration of Theban liberty 

planned 1 

8. How was it carried into execution 1 

9. Was the plot near being discovered ? 
I 0. Did the conspiracy succeed 1 

11. What place still held out for the Spartans ? 

12. By whose assistance was the citadel reduced 1 
3. Who was sent against the Thebans 1 

14. Did Agesilaus offer battle 1 

1 5. By what military movement was he defeated ? 

16. In what battle did the Thebans first show themselves a match for 

the Spartans ] 

17. What was the event of the battle of Zegyra 1 

18. To what portion of the Theban troops was the merit of this victory 

chiefly owing ] 

19. Did Thebes produce any rival to Pelopidas ] 

20. What was the character of^Epaminondas 1 



SECTION II. 

THE BATTLE OF LEUCTRA. 

Go hide ynur erief=, anrl at yoiir lot repine, 

Wef-p fur your sons, while 1 rejoice in mine. — Dr. Butler. 

1. By the valour and conduct of Pelop'idas and Epami- 
non'das, Thebes was now able not only to maintain its own 
independence, but even to threaten the rest of Greece with 
subjection. It was probably the apprehension of this last 
event that had made the Athenians break off their alliance 
with the Thebans, and join a confederacy with the Spartans 
against their former allies. 2. The Spartans had long con- 
sidered themselves as the arbitrators of Greece, and could 
ill bear a rival in this boasted pre-eminence : they, therefore, 
resolved to humble the pride of Thebes ; and, with this 
view, their general, Cleombro'tus, marched towards the 
frontiers of Boeo'tia with a numerous army. 3. But, in 
order to give an air of justice to their hostilities, they first 
sent to demand of the Thebans, that they should restore 
their liberties to the cities they had seized, that they 
should rebuild those they had demolished, and make repa- 
ration for all the wrongs they had done. To this it was 
replied, " That the Thebans were accountable to none but 
Heaven for their conduct." 4. Nothing now remained on 
either side but to prepare for action. Epaminon'das imme- 
diately raised all the troops he could, and began his march ; 



226 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

but his army did not amount to six thousand men, while that 
of the enemy was above four times that number. As seve- 
ral bad omens were urged to prevent his setting out, he 
replied by repeating a verse from Homer, importing that no 
omen is bad when we are to fight for our country. How- 
ever, to reassure the superstitious soldiers, whom he per- 
ceived to be discouraged, he instructed several persons to 
come from different places, and report auguries and omens 
in his favour, which revived the spirit and hopes of his 
troops. 

b.c. 7 5. Epaminon'das had wisely taken care to secure 
371. 5 a pass, which would have shortened Cleom'brotus's 
march considerably. The latter, after having taken a large 
compass, arrived at Leuc'tra, a small town of Baeo'tia, be- 
tween Platae'a and Thes'piee. Both parties consulted 
whether they should give battle ; at length Cleom'brotus 
resolved so to do by the advice of his officers, who said, 
that if he declined fighting with such a superiority of troops, 
it would confirm the current report, that he secretly favoured 
the Thebans. These, on their side, had an essential reason 
for hastening a battle before the arrival of the troops, which 
the enemy daily expected. 6. However, the six generals, 
who formed the council of war, being equally divided in 
their sentiments, the seventh, who was Pelop'idas, came 
very opportunely to give the casting vote for an engagement; 
and his opinion deciding the question, it was at last deter- 
mined to engage.* 

7. The two armies, as we have already said, were very 
unequal in number. The Lacedamio'nians amounted to 
twenty-four thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse. The 
Thebans had only six thousand foot, but their cavalry 
nearly equalled those of the Spartans in number, and far sur- 
passed them in discipline and valour. The ability of the 
generals alone supplied the place of great armies, especially 
that of the Theban commander, who was the most accom- 

* " His sword the brave man draws, 

And owns no omen but his country's cause." 

t In the interim, Jason, a powerful prince of Thessaly, arrived with 
a reinforcement for the Thebans, of a thousand horse and fifteen hun 
dred foot : he, however, exerted himself to procure a peace, and a truce 
was actually agreed on. As Cleombrotus was about to retire out of 
Bceotia, he met Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, coming with a con- 
siderable force from Sparta ; on which, without regard to the truce, he 
returned and attacked the Thebans, and the result proved such as per- 
fidy and dishonourable conduct like this deserved. 



THIRD PELOPONXESIAN WAR. 227 

plished soldier of his time ; and lie was nobly supported by 
Pelop'idas, who was then at the head of the sacred band. 

8. The plain of Leuctra is on every side surrounded by 
the lofty ridges of Hel'icon, Cithae'ron, and Cynosceph'alae ; 
and the Thebans who were in possession of the mountains, 
saw distinctly the line of battle which their enemies had 
formed. As the Spartans were so vastly superior in num- 
ber, Epaminon'das was aware that an adherence to the old 
system of Grecian tactics must invariably end in his defeat, 
and he at once adopted a new plan, which was one of the 
greatest improvements ever introduced into the art of war. 

9. The Spartan army was drawn up in the form of a cres- 
cent ; the native troops formed the right wing under the 
command of Cleom'brotus, on the left were the allies, head- 
ed by Archida'mus ; these auxiliaries were, however, far from 
being earnest in support of the Spartan cause, and many in 
their secret soul hoped that the Thebans might be victorious. 

10. Epaminon'das saw at once that if the battalions com- 
manded by Cleom'brotus were defeated, the victory would 
be secured, and on that side he prepared to make his grand 
attack. He collected all the best soldiers on his own left 
wing, and drew them up in files fifty deep ; the sacred band 
under Pelop'idas guarded the left flank, to prevent the 
extended lines of the Spartan crescent from getting round 
on that side to his rear ; the rest of the army were drawn 
out six file deep, in a line dropping off obliquely from that 
of the enemy. 11. Thus he had so arranged his forces that 
the fate of the day would probably be decided by his left 
wing, before the enemy could bring the right to an engage- 
ment. The battle commenced with the charge of the The- 
ban cavalry, which drove back that of the Spartans on the 
infantry, and threw their ranks into confusion. 12. Epami- 
non'das availed himself of this, and immediately forming his 
column like a wedge, he led down the close serried ranks on 
the extended and disordered lines. The very weight of 
the column made it irresistible, the hostile ranks were broken, 
and the post where Cleom'brotus stood was soon assailed 
by the intrepid Thebans. The danger of the king com- 
pleted the disorder of the Spartans, they ran from every side 
of the field to his assistance, but before they could form new 
ranks, Cleom'brotus and all his immediate followers were 
slain. 13. The Spartans, after incredible exertions, suc- 
ceeded in bearing off his dead body, while Epaminondas 



223 HISTORY OF GREEXE. 

fortified his ranks, and prepared for a renewal of the en- 
gagement. But the fate of the day was already decided. 
The Spartans were irretrievably broken, and the allies who 
had not joined in the battle on account of the distance 
between them and the Theban right wing, refused to advance 
against the close ranks of the victorious column. Archida'- 
mus was consequently compelled to retreat to his camp, and 
to acknowledge the Theban victory, by sending a herald to 
ask permission to bury the dead. 

14. The Lacedaemonians had never received so terrible a 
blow. The most bloody defeat, till then, had scarcely ever 
cost them more than four or five hundred of their citizens. 
Here they lost four thousand men, of whom one thousand 
were Lacedasmo'nians, and four hundred Spartans, out of 
seven hundred who were in the battle. The Thebans had 
only three hundred men killed, among whom were four of 
their citizens. 

15. It is remarkable, that when the news of this defeat 
was brought to Sparta, the Eph'ori would not suffer the 
public games, which were then celebrating, to be inter- 
rupted. Whether this proceeded from an affectation of 
indifference, as if they wished to represent their loss as 
trifling, and were desirous of concealing the real greatness 
of it from the people, or that luxury and dissipation had 
then made a considerable progress even in Sparta itself, it is 
difficult, at this distance of time, to determine. 16. Next 
day, however, the loss of each particular family being 
known, the fathers and relations of those who had fallen in 
battle went to the temples to thank the gods, and congratu- 
lated each other upon their glory and good fortune, whilst the 
relations of those who had escaped were overwhelmed with 
grief and affliction. 

17. But there was another point to be determined with 
regard to the survivors. They were, by the law, to be de- 
graded from all honour, and rendered infamous ; insomuch 
that it would be a disgrace to intermarry with thern : they 
were to appear publicly in mean and dirty habits, with 
patched and party-coloured garments, and to go half shaved ; 
and whoever met them in the streets might insult and beat 
thern, without their daring to make any resistance. 18. This 
was so severe a law, and such numbers had on this occasion 
incurred the penalties of it, many of whom were of great 
families and interest, that they apprehended the execution 
of it might excite some oublic commotion ; besides, that 



THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 229 

these citizens, such as they were, could very ill be spared 
at this time, when they wanted to recruit the army. Under 
this difficulty, they gave Agesila'us a power even over the 
laws, to dispense with them, to abrogate them, or to enact 
such new ones as the present emergency required. He 
would not, however, abolish or alter the law, but made a 
public declaration that it should lie dormant for that single 
day, and by this expedient he saved the citizens from 
infamy. 

19. It was not long before the Spartans felt the conse- 
quences of this dreadful overthrow. Numbers of Greek 
cities, that had hitherto remained neuter, now declared in 
favour of the Thebans, and increased their army to the 
amount of seventy thousand men. With this mighty force, 
Epaminon'das entered Laco'nia, and overran the open 
country. He did not, however, attempt any thing against 
Sparta itself; but he reinstated the Arcadians in all their 
ancient rights and privileges, of which they had been de- 
prived by the Spartans, and enabled them to build a C b.c. 
new city, which, from the name of the old one, was c 369. 
called Messe'nia. 

20. On their return from this expedition, the two gene- 
rals were brought to trial for having retained their command 
four months beyond the time limited by law. On this occa- 
sion, Pelop'idas showed less courage than was to be expected 
from one of his daring and impetuous character. He pur- 
chased safety by degrading submission to his accusers, and 
even thus escaped with difficulty. Epaminondas, on the 
contrary, boldly narrated the services he had performed, and 
dared his judges to pronounce sentence of condemnation.* 

* The speech of Epaminondas well deserves to be transcribed at 
length : " I was in hope," said he, " that my successes, and the ad- 
vantages you derive from them, would have been sufficient motives to 
induce you to acquit me ; but since they are not, I only wait for your sen- 
tence, and am ready both to accuse and condemn myself; only let pos- 
terity be as well apprized of my crime as they will be of my punishment. 
Let them know that I am put to death for having so successfully led 
your troops into Laconia, where no enemy had ever penetrated before, 
and for having been the first who made that country feel the dreadful 
effects of your victorious arms ; that I die for having restored the Messe- 
nians to their ancient patrimony ; for having reunited the Arcadians, 
and ruined the Lacedaemonians ; for having increased your strength, 
enlarged your conquests, and raised you to this present height of power 
and glory. All I further beg is, that it may be engraved on my monu- 
ment, that he who hath done you all these services was punished with 
death !" 

u 



230 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

The wrath of the assembly was changed into admiration, 
and Epaminondas returned from the tribunal with as much 
glory as from the field of Leuctra. 

b.c. } 21. The violent death of a Thessalian prince a 
370. 5 little before this event prevented the exploits of 
Alexander in the East from being anticipated. Ja'son of 
Phe'rae, a small state in Thessaly, had raised himself from 
the government of a petty town to the rank of captain- 
general of Thessaly, under which title he enjoyed the full 
extent of royal power. By a long course of judicious dis- 
cipline, he formed an army, such as no nation of antiquity 
could match, and whose attachment to himself bordered on 
devotion. He enlarged the boundaries of Thessaly, by the 
subjugation of the Ep'irotes and other barbarous tribes on 
the southern and western frontiers. 22. He compelled the 
Macedonians to become his tributary auxiliaries, and invaded 
Pho'cis, in order to obtain the guardianship of the Delphic 
oracle. He endeavoured, but in vain, to mediate a peace 
between the Thebans and Spartans, a necessary preliminary 
to his great object, which was an invasion of Persia by the 
united forces of all the Grecian states, under his command. 
23. But just at the moment when his projects seemed most 
to promise a favourable issue, he was stabbed at the head 
of his troops by seven young men, who had come into his 
presence under pretence of demanding justice. Two of the 
assassins were killed by the guards, the remainder escaped 
to the Grecian republics, where they were honourably re- 
ceived as the destroyers of a tyrant. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What effect had the victories of the Thebans on the Athenians ? 

2. To whom did the Spartans intrust the command of their armies 1 

3. What conditions were offered to the Thebans '! 

4. How did Epaminondas prepare to meet the enemy 1 

5. Why were both armies inclined to come to an immediate engage- 

ment 1 

6. By whom was the casting vote for battle given ? 

7. What was the relative strength of the hostile armies ? 

S. In what advantageous position were the Thebans posted 1 
9. How was the Spartan line formed ? 

10. In what manner did Epaminondas draw out his forces 1 

11. What was the advantage of the Theban arrangement ? 

12. Of what opportunity did Epaminondas avail himself to make a de- 

cisive charge 7 

13. Did this decide the fate of the day 1 



THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 231 

14. What was the loss of the Spartans in this battle 1 

15. How did the Ephori behave when they heard of the defeat at 

Leuctra ! 

16. What was the conduct of the parents of those who had fallen in 

the action 1 

17. According to the institutions of Lycurgus how should the defeated 

soldiers have been treated 1 

18. How did Agesilaus preserve the authority of the law, and yet spare 

the guilty 1 

19. What use did Epaminondas make of his victory 1 

20. Did Pelopidas and Epaminondas exhibit equal courage when 

brought to trial 1 
21 What was the character of Jason of Pherae 1 

22. Did Jason meditate any great design 1 

23. How were his intentions frustrated 1 



section in. 



THE INVASION OF THE PELOPONNESUS BY THE THEBANS. 

Through the ranks 
He stalks, reminds them of their former fame, 
Their native land, their homes, the friends they loved, 
All the rewards of this day's victory. — Southey. 

1. In the mean time the Spartans, struck with consterna- 
tion at their late defeat, applied to the Athenians for suc- 
cour ; and that people, notwithstanding their jealousy of 
their old rivals, engaged to assist them with all their forces. 
They likewise had recourse to the Persian king for the 
same purpose : but Pelop'idas, undertaking an embassy to 
the court of that prince, prevailed upon him to remain 
neuter. 

2. Thes'saly became a prey to disorders of every kind 
after the death of Ja'son. Alexander, his successor at 
Pherae, was one of the most detestable tyrants recorded in 
history ; he was a robber by land, a pirate by sea, and an 
oppressor at home. At length his subjects took up arms 
against him, and applied to the Thebans for assistance. 
Pelop'idas was sent with a numerous army against the 
tyrant, but on his submission, peace was granted on fa- 
vourable terms. 3. From Thes'saly Pelop'idas advanced 
into Macedon, which was distracted by the fury of con- 
tending factions He established the just claims of Per'- 
diccas to the crown, and took hostages from the different 
parties for their future tranquillity. 4. Among these was 
Philip the younger, brother of king Per'diccas, who being 
thus sent to Thebes at an early age, learned from Epami- 



232 



HISTORY OF GREECE 



B.C. ") 

364.3 



non'das that skill in the art of war which he afterwards 
exerted for the destruction of Grecian liberty. 
b.c. 7 5. On his return from Macedon, Pelop'idas, while 
367. j passing through Thessaly, was seized by the tyrant 
Alexander, and thrown into prison. An army was sent to 
deliver him, but through the incompetence of the generals, 
it was defeated. 6. Epaminon'das, who had been stripped of 
his office by the malice of his enemies, was at this time 
actually serving as a private in the ranks ; to him the 
soldiers applied in their distress ; at their request he 
assumed the command, and soon compelled the tyrant to 
submission. 

7. Pelop'idas was scarcely set at liberty, when 
he resolved to punish the tyrant for his perfidy and 
breach of faith. He led a body of troops against him to a 
place called Cynos-ceph'alae,* where a bloody battle en- 
sued, in which the Thebans were victorious ; but Pelop'idas 
was unfortunately slain. His countrymen considered those 
successes as very dearly earned which were purchased at 
the expense of his life. His death was equally lamented 
by the Thebans and Thessa'lians ; the latter begged and 
obtained the honour of performing his funeral rites, which 
were very grand and magnificent. 8. Alexan'der himseli 
was soon after killed by his wife Thebe, and her three bro- 
thers, who, long disgusted with his cruelties, had resolved 
to rid the world of such a monster. It is said that his 
whole palace was every night filled with guards, except his 
bedchamber, which was an upper room, guarded by a dog, 
and ascended by a ladder. Thebe allured away the dog, 
and covered the steps of the ladder with wool, to prevent 
noise ; then her three brothers ascending, one of them seized 
him by the feet, and another by the hair, and the third stab 
bed him to the heart. 

9. In the mean time, the war between the Thebans and 
Spartans was carried on with unabated vigour.t The states 
of the Peloponne'sus, wearied of Spartan tyranny, had 
long since joined the Thebans, but had lately found their 
new allies as fond of domineering over the auxiliaries as 
the Lacedaemo'nians had been. The nobles took advantage 

* A town in Thessaly, named from the neighbouring hill, which was 
supposed to resemble a dog's head. 

f Hitherto the Thebans had not attempted maritime warfare, but 
now, by the advice of Epaminondas, they built and ntted out a hundred 
galleys. 



THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 233 

of this to induce their countrymen again to seek the Spartan 
alliance, which of course included the restoration of aristo- 
cratic government. This was particularly the case in Arca'- 
dia and Achai'a; thither both powers prepared to send their 
forces, and it became manifest that there the fate of the war 
would be decided. 10. The Theban troops were com- 
manded by their favourite general Epaminon'das ; Agesi- 
la'us, the only man in Greece then capable of opposing 
him, was at the head of the Spartans. The first attempt 
of Epaminon'das in this campaign showed his great abili- 
ties, and his skill in the art of war. Hearing that Agesi- 
la'us had begun his march for Mantinei'a, and had left but 
few citizens to defend Sparta, he marched directly thither 
by night, with a design to take the city by surprise, as it 
had neither walls nor troops to protect it. 11. Agesila'us, 
however, had an intimation of his design, and despatched 
one of his cavalry to apprize the city of its danger ; soon 
after which he himself arrived with a powerful succour : 
and scarcely had entered the place, when the Thebans were 
seen crossing the Euro'tas, and advancing against the city. 
Epaminon'das, finding that his design was discovered, 
thought it below his character to retire without making 
some attempt. He, therefore, employed valour instead of 
stratagem, and attacking the city at several quarters, pene- 
trated as far as the public place, and made himself master 
of that part of Sparta which lay upon the hither side of the 
river. 12. Agesila'us exerted himself with greater activity 
than could have been expected from one of his years. He 
saw well that it was not now a time to spare himself, and to 
act only upon the defensive ; but that he had need of all his 
courage and intrepidity to repel such an assailant. His son, 
Archida'mus, at the head of the Spartan youth, behaved 
with incredible bravery wherever the danger was greatest ; 
and with his small troop, stopped the enemy and made head 
against them on all sides.* 

* A Spartan youth, named Is'adas, filled not only his countrymen, 
but even the enemy, with admiration of his valour. He was of a beau- 
tiful countenance, an elegant shape, an advantageous stature, and just 
in the prime of youth ; and had neither arms nor clothes upon his body, 
which shone with oil. Upon the first alarm he ran out of his house, 
with a spear in one hand and a sword in the other, and rushing into the 
thickest of the enemy, bore down all before him, laying numbers dead 
at his feet, without himself receiving the least wound. Whether the 
enemy were confounded at the sight, as thinking him something more 
u2 



234 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

13. Epaminon'das, having failed in his design upon 
Sparta, was determined to strike some other blow that 
might compensate for his miscarriage. Hearing, therefore, 
that, in order to protect Sparta, all the troops had been 
withdrawn from Mantinei'a, he resolved to march thither 
without delay ; but previously despatched a troop of horse 
to view its situation, and to clear the field of stragglers. 
14. A little, however, before he reached Mantinei'a, an 
army of six thousand Athenian auxiliaries arrived by sea ; 
who, without allowing either themselves or their horses 
any refreshment, rushed out of the city, and attacked and 
defeated the Theban horse. In the mean time, Epami- 
non'das was advancing with his whole army, with the 
enemy close upon his rear. Finding it impossible to ac- 
complish his purpose before he was overtaken, he deter- 
mined to halt and give them battle. 15. He had now got 
within a short way of the town, which has had the honour 
of giving its name to the conflict of that day : a conflict 
the most splendid, and the best contested, that is to be 
found in the history of Greece, or perhaps in that of any 
other country. The Greeks had never fought among 
themselves with more numerous armies : the Lacedaemo'- 
nians amounted to above twenty thousand foot, and two 
thousand horse ; the Thebans to thirty thousand foot, and 
three thousand horse. 

16. Epaminon'das marched in the same order of battle 
in which he intended to fight, that he might not be obliged, 
when he came up with the enemy, to lose, in disposing of 
his army, that precious time which cannot be recovered. 
He did not march directly, and with his front to the 
enemy, but in a column upon the hills, with his left wing 
foremost, as if he did not intend to fight that day. When 
he was over against them, at a quarter of a league's dis- 
tance, he made the troops halt, and lay down their arms, 
as if he designed to encamp there. The enemy were de- 
ceived by this step ; and no longer expecting a battle, they 
quitted their arms, dispersed themselves about the camp, 
and suffered that ardour to cool which the near approach of 
a combat is wont to kindle in the hearts of soldiers. 

than human, or whether, says Plutarch, the gods took pleasure in pre- 
serving him on account of his extraordinary valour, remains a question. 
His gallantry, however, was so much admired, that the Eph'ori decreed 
him a garland ; but they afterwards fined him a thousand drachmas for 
having gone out to battle without armour. 



THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 235 

17. Epaminon'das took advantage of this imprudent 
conduct of the enemy : by suddenly wheeling his troops 
to the right, he changed his column into a line ; and 
having drawn out his choice troops, he made them double 
their files upon the front of his left wing, in order to ado 
to its strength, and enable it to attack in a point the Lace- 
daemo'nian phalanx, which by the movement he had made 

aced it directly. He ordered the centre and right wing of 
is army to move very slowly, and to halt before they 
came up with the enemy, that he might not hazard the 
event of the battle upon troops of which he had no great 
opinion. 

18. He expected to decide the victory with that body of 
chosen troops which he commanded in person, and which 
he had disposed in a column to attack the enemy m the 
form of a wedge. He was persuaded that, if he could 
penetrate the Lacedeemo'nian phalanx, in which the enemy's 
chief strength lay, he should find it no difficult matter to 
rout the rest of the army, by charging them upon the right 
and left with his victorious troops. 19. To prevent the 
Athenians in the left wing from coming to the support of 
their right against his intended attack, he made a detach- 
ment of his horse and foot advance out of the line, and 
posted them upon a rising ground, in readiness to flank the 
Athenians, if they should venture to advance to sustain 
their right. 

20. After having drawn up his army in this manner, he 
moved on to charge the enemy with the whole weight of his 
column. They were greatly surprised when they saw 
Epaminon'das advancing towards them in this order, and 
immediately flew to their arms, bridled their horses, and 
made all the haste they could to their ranks. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. To whom did the Spartans apply for assistance against the The- 

bans ] 

2. Why was Pelopidas sent into Thessaly 1 

3. For what purpose did he advance against Maredon 1 

4. What remarkable hostage was brought to Thebes 1 

5. Did the tyrant of Pherse offer any insult to the Thebans 1 

6. By whom was Pelopidas liberated 1 

7. How did Pelopidas die 1 

8. What became of the tyrant Alexander 1 



236 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

9. What was the state of the Peloponnesus at this time ? 

10. Did Epaminondas undertake any daring enterprise ? 

11. How was Sparta saved ? 

12. What persons distinguished themselves most in the battle? 

13. Whither did Epaminon'das lead his army from Sparta? 

14. What circumstances precipitated the battle of Mantineia ? 

15. Is this battle very remarkable, and why ? 

16. By what stratagem did Epaminondas throw his enemies off their 

guard 1 

17. How did he take advantage of the error made by the Spartans? 

18. Against what part of the enemy's line did Epaminon'das direct his 

chief attack ? 

19. How did he prepare to meet the Athenians ? 

20. In what manner did the enemy act ? 



SECTION IV. 

THE CONCLUSION OF THE THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 

If e'er ye rush'd in crowds, with vast delight, 

To bail your hero glorious from the fiuht; 

Now meet him dead, and let your sorrow flow! 

Your common triumph and your common woe. — Homer. 

E.c. 7 1. While Epaminon'das was marching against 
363. 5 the enemy, the cavalry that covered his flank on 
the left, the best at that time in Greece, consisting entirely 
of Thebans and Thessa'lians, had orders to attack the ene- 
my's horse. The contest here was violent, but not long. 
The Lacedaemo'nian horse was soon repulsed, and obliged 
to take refuge behind their infantry. 2. In the mean time, 
Epaminon'das, with his body of foot, had charged the La- 
cedaemo'nian phalanx. The troops fought on both sides 
with incredible ardour ; both the Thebans and Lacedamio' 
nians being resolved to perish rather than yield the glory of 
arms to their rivals. They began fighting with their spears ; 
but, these being soon broken in the fury of the combat, they 
charged each other sword in hand, and a terrible carnage 
ensued. Despising danger, and desirous only of distin- 
guishing themselves by the gallantry of their conduct, the 
men chose rather to die in their ranks than lose a step of their 
ground. 

3. This terrible slaughter having continued for some 
time, without victory inclining to either side, Epaminon'- 
das, to turn the scale in his own favour, determined to make 
an extraordinary effort in person, without regard to the 
danger of his own life. He formed, therefore, a troop of 
the bravest and most resolute about him ; and putting him- 
self at the head of them, made a vigorous charge upon the 



THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 237 

enemy, where the fight was hottest, and wounded the general 
of the Lacedaemo'nians with the first javelin he threw. 4. 
The troops, by his example, having wounded or killed all 
that stood in their way, broke and penetrated the phalanx. 
The Lacedaemonians, dismayed by the presence of Epami- 
non'das, and overpowered by the weight of that intrepid 
party, were obliged to give ground. The bulk of the The'- 
ban army, animated by their general's example and success, 
drove back the enemy upon their right and left, and made 
great havoc among them. 5. But some troops of the Spar- 
tans, perceiving that Epaminon'das was carried away by his 
ardour, suddenly rallied, and, returning to the charge, over- 
whelmed him with a shower of javelins, and Gryl'lus, the 
son of Xenophon the celebrated historian, gave him a mor- 
tal wound with a javelin in his breast, through his cuirass. 
The wood of the javelin being broke off, and the iron head 
remaining in the wound, the torment was intolerable, and 
he fell immediately. Upon this the battle raged around him 
with redoubled fury ; one side exerting their utmost efforts 
to take him alive, and the other to save him. The The'bans 
at last gained their point, and carried him off, after having 
put the enemy to flight. 

6. After a variety of manoeuvres, and alternate losses and 
advantages, the troops on both sides ceased fighting, and rested 
upon their arms ? and the trumpets of the two armies, as if 
by mutual consent, sounded the retreat at the same time. 
Each party pretended to the victory, and erected a trophy ; 
the The'bans, because they had defeated the right wing, and 
remained masters of the field ; the Athenians, because they 
had cut the general's detachment in pieces. From this point 
of honour, both sides at first refused to ask leave to bury 
their dead ; which, with the ancients, was. confessing their 
defeat ; the Lacedaemo'nians, at length, however, sent to de- 
mand that permission ; after which, the rest hastened to pay 
the last duties to the slain. 

7. In the mean time Epaminon'das had been carried into 
the camp, and the surgeons, after having examined the 
wound, declared that he would expire as soon as the head 
of the dart was drawn out. These words filled all that 
were present with the greatest affliction, as depriving them 
of all hope of preserving so great a man to be a blessing to 
his country. For himself, the only concern he expressed, 
was about his arms and the fate of the battle. When they 
showed him his shield, and assured him that the The'bans 



238 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

were the conquerors, turning towards his friends with a calm 
and serene air, "All then is well," said he, and soon after, 
upon the head of the javelin being extracted from his body, 
he expired in the arms of victory.* 

8. As the glory of Thebes arose with Epaminon'das, so 
it fell with him ; and he is, perhaps, the only instance of 
one man's being able to inspire his countrymen with a love 
of military fame without having had a predecessor, or leav- 
ing an imitator of his example. 

9. The battle of Mantinei'a was followed by a peace, 
concluded by the mediation of the Persian king, then 
anxious to obtain the aid of some Grecian auxiliaries in sub- 
duing some of the satraps in Egypt and Asia, who aimed at 
independence. 10. The terms of the peace provided for 
the liberty of the Grecian states, and were therefore rejected 
by the Spartans, who were resolved at all hazards to subdue 
Messe'nia. This, however, could not be effected imme- 
diately, and they therefore permitted Agesila'us to lead an 
army to the support of the revolted Egyptians. 11. In 
this war the Spartan king exhibited his usual ability, and 
more than usual venality. He first supported the preten- 
sions of Ta'chos, but being seduced by the splendid offers 
of Nectane'bus, he deserted his former ally, on the most 
absurd pretences, and devoted himself to the service of the 
new competitor. 

b.c. ■> 12. In this dishonourable war he amassed consi- 
361. 5 derable wealth, by which he probably hoped to 
restore the former supremacy of Sparta, but on his return 
home he was seized with a mortal disease, and died on the 
coast of Cyrena'ica, in the eighty-fourth year of his age, 
and forty-first of his reign. 13. The character of Agesi- 
la'us is best learned from his history ; we there see the 
strongest example of the greatest talents rendered useless 
by a want of integrity. It was a maxim of the Spartan 
government, that any crime profitable to the state might b 
committed with impunity ; and on this detestable rule Age 
sila'us acted so glaringly, that he brought on his country 
the general hostility of Greece. When he ascended the 
throne, Sparta was at the summit of her glory ; during his 

* On some of his friends bitterly lamenting his untimely death, and 
his leaving no posterity, he answered, " Yes, I have left two fair daugh- 
ters, the victory of Leuctra and this of JMantinei' a, to perpetuate my 
•nemory " 






THIRD PELOPONNESIAN WAR. 239 

reign she sunk into utter insignificance. 14. But though 
no doubt the ambition, obstinacy, and avowed dishonesty of 
Agesila'us contributed to the ruin of his country, the pecu- 
liar nature of the Spartan institutions was a much more effi- 
cient cause. The laws of Lycurgus had long ceased to be 
observed, except in name — they were inapplicable to an 
advanced state of society, and were preserved more from the 
power which they placed in the hands of a few, than for 
any advantage resulting from them to the nation. The 
Spartan inhabitants of the city tyrannized over the Lacedae- 
monians who dwelt in the suburbs ; both oppressed the 
LaconianTarmers in the country, and all treated the Helots 
with sanguinary cruelty. The tyranny which they thus 
learned at home, they practised abroad ; supporting every 
where the power of the few, and exacting more obedience 
to the Spartan commissioners, than ever was paid to the 
native magistrates. Pride, cruelty, and treachery were the 
lessons taught by the Spartan law, and practised in their full 
extent by-Lysander and Agesila'us. But such practices 
could only ensure temporary obedience, and therefore, when 
once Thebes set the example of successful resistance, the 
Spartan dominion was shaken to its foundation. Misfor- 
tunes seemed only to increase their pride ; they would not 
yield one of their unfounded claims, even when it was 
impossible to protect their just rights, and thus to preserve 
an empty shadow they lost every chance of recovering the 
substance. 

15. During the late war between Thebes and Sparta, the 
Athenians, without taking a prominent part, succeeded in 
gaining the respect of both parties. The abilities of Iphi'- 
crates, Timo'theus, and Cha'brias were frequently displayed 
to great advantage, and their character for rectitude and a 
sincere love of justice tended still more to restore Athens to 
her former station in Greece. 16. But the people were no 
longer able to bear prosperity ; most of the influential 
citizens had fallen in the struggle with the thirty tyrants, 
and those who had succeeded to their places were for the 
most part needy adventurers. The democracy established 
by Cleis'thenes was never a good form of government, since 
it gave the executive and legislative power to the multitude, 
and thus destroyed any real responsibility for the due 
administration of the laws ; but when the people were 
demoralized into a needy and ignorant mob, by the combined 
effects of disastrous war and civil commotions, the evils 



240 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

became intolerable. The favour of the people was courted 
by expensive theatric shows, and to purchase these gratifi- 
cations the public treasures were exhausted. To provide 
money for these idle entertainments, the allied states were 
taxed with the utmost severity, and their complaints of the 
extortion to which they were subjected, treated with the 
most mortifying neglect, or even rejected with the grossest 
insults. Cha'res, a profligate demagogue, whose character 
much resembled that of Cle'on, stimulated the people to 
these outrages, until at length he provoked the subsidiary 
states to rebellion, and the principal maritime cities^ together 
b.c. -£ with several of the iEgean islands, simultaneously 
358. 5 threw off the yoke of Athens. 

17. This war, commenced in wanton injustice, was con- 
ducted with weakness, and ended in disgrace. At the siege 
of Chi'os, Cha'res ordered the fleet to attempt to force an 
entrance into the harbour ; the ship of Cha'brias alone suc- 
ceeded, and was soon overwhelmed by the enemy. Its 
gallant commander refused to quit the vessel which had been 
intrusted to him by the state, and perished. 18. Soon after 
Cha'res besieged Byzantium with equal ill success ; but 
throwing the blame on Iphi'crates and Timo'theus, he pro- 
cured the banishment of these illustrious generals, whose 
services were thus lost to Athens for ever. But the next 
proceeding of Cha'res was still more outrageous ; he deserted 
the conduct of the war altogether, and led his forces to 
assist the satrap Artaba'zus, who was in rebellion against 
the Persian king, then in alliance with Athens. 19. Ar- 
taxerxes III., the sovereign of Persia, was naturally indig- 
nant at this breach of a treaty ; he immediately espoused 
the cause of the confederates, and the Athenians, terrified at 
the power of the enemy whom they had so rashly provoked, 
sued for that peace, which was granted on the condition, 
b.c. ^ that all the confederate states should be left in abso- 
o56. 5 lute possession of their independence. Thus Athens 
lost her lately recovered supremacy, which she was unable 
to exercise with justice or discretion. 

20. In the mean time, a power was growing up in Greece 
hitherto unobserved, but now too conspicuous and formi- 
dable to be overlooked in the general picture : this was that 
of the Macedonians, a people hitherto ohscure, and in a 
manner "barbarous ; and who, though warlike and hardy, 
had never yet presumed to intermeddle^ with the affairs of 
Greece : but now several circumstances concurred to raise 



EARLY HISTORY OF MACEDON. 241 

them from that obscurity, and to involve them in measures 
which, by degrees, wrought a thorough change in the state 
of Greece. It will be necessary, therefore, to begin with a 
short account of their origin, and progress to power, before 
we enter into a detail of that conspicuous part which they 
afterwards performed on the theatre of the world. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. How did the Theban cavalry behave 1 

2. Was the contest better sustained by the infantry 

3. To what expedient had Epaminondas recourse ? 

4. What was the result of this movement 1 

5. Did Epaminondas receive a wound 1 

6. Was this a very decisive victory 1 

7. How did Epaminondas die ? 

8. What were the consequences of his death 1 

9. Why did the Persian king endeavour to mediate a peace * 

10. How did the Spartans act 1 

11. In what manner did Agesilaus behave in Egypt? 

12. Where did Agesilaus die ? 

13. What was his character ? 

14. In what condition was Sparta at this time 1 

15. What had been the conduct of Athens in the late war ? 

16. How was Athens then circumstanced? 

17. What loss did the Athenians sustain at the siege of Chios 1 

18. In what manner did Chares behave 1 

1 9. What was the consequence of the misconduct of Chares ? 

20. What new power now started up in Greece 1 



CHAPTER XII. 



THE LIFE OF PHILIP. 



Lofty and sour to them that loved him not, 

But to those men that sought him, sweet as summer. — Shakspearc. 

1. The name of Macedonia is usually given to the tract 
of country which lies between the chain of Mount Hoe'mus 
on the north, the Cam'bunian mountains on the south, the 
.ZEgei'an sea on the east, and the Adriatic on the west. But 
it was not until a very late period of Grecian history that 
this extensive tract was united under one head ; the sea-coast 
was possessed by independent maritime states, the moun- 
tainous tracts in the north and west were inhabited by bar- 
barous tribes, who had scarcely any fixed government, and 
the interior was parcelled out among several petty princes 



242 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

2. The first foundation of a monarchy which was destined 
b.c. 7 to rise to such a height of power was laid by Cara'- 
813. 5 nus, a descendant of Her'cules, who led a colony 
from Ar'gos to the province of iE'mathia, which borders on 
the Therma'ic gulf. 3. His descendants continually en- 
larged their dominions by subjecting or expelling several of 
the neighbouring tribes ; but when the Persians were about 
to invade Greece, the then ruler of Macedon was obliged to 
purchase safety by becoming tributary to Darius. The 
battle of Platseae restored independence to the kingdom, but 
b.c. 7 this was never acknowledged by the Persians, who 
479. 5 appear to have more than once revived their claim 
to its sovereignty. 

4. The retreat of the Persians exposed Macedon to the 
attacks of the Thra'cian tribes, while the Athenians were 
establishing their authority over the maritime cities. This 
induced Perdic'cas, then monarch of Macedon, to embrace 
the Spartan cause in the first Peloponnesian war, but having 
some reason to dread the ambition, and suspect the integrity 
b.c ") of his new allies, he concluded a treaty with the 
423. 5 Athenians, on terms favourable to both. 

5. Archela'us, the successor of Perdiccas, was a wise 
and beneficent sovereign. He encouraged agriculture, con- 
structed roads, and used every exertion to extend the influ- 
ence of civilization among his subjects. During his reign, 
the limits of Macedon were extended, and the inhabitants 
raised to the level of the Helle'nes, by whom, however, 
b.c. 7 they were not recognised as brethren. But the mur- 
400. 5 der of Achela'us by his secretary, proved for a long 
time fatal to the improvement of Macedon ; several compe- 
titors claimed the crown, and the country was distracted by 
civil wars, until Amyn'tas, the brother of Perdiccas, finally 
triumphed over all his rivals. 

6. Amyntas left behind him three legitimate sons, Alex' 
ander, Perdic'cas, and Philip ; with one illegitimate, Ptol'- 
emy. The first had scarcely been placed on the throne, 
when he was deposed by Ptol'emy ; the Thebans sent an 
army under Pelop'idas to support the cause of the rightful 
neirs, but after some indecisive engagements, it was agreed 
that Ptol'emy should hold the sceptre as regent, and Philip, 
b.c "> then a boy, was sent «is a hostage to Thebes. 
365. 5 7. Pausa'nias soon after dethroned and slew Ptol'- 
emy, but found himself, at the same time, scarcely able to 
defend himself against some new pretenders, until the arriva 1 



LIFE OF PHILIP. 243 

of the Athenian Iphi 'crates with a body of choice troops 
enabled him to triumph over all opposition. 8. He C b.c. 
was slain, however, in a war with the Illyrians, be- C 3f>0. 
fore he had long enjoyed the throne, and was succeeded by 
Amyntas, his infant son. But the distracted state of public 
affairs convinced the Macedonians that the time did not 
admit of their submitting to the rule of a child, accordingly 
Amyn'tas was set aside, and his uncle Philip proclaimed 
monarch in his stead. 

9. Philip began his reign in the twenty-fourth year of 
his age. He had received a considerable part of his educa- 
tion at Thebes, whither he had been carried in his youth 
as a hostage ; and he there acquired, under Epaminon'das, 
that intimate acquaintance with the art of war, as it was 
then conducted, which he afterwards displayed so signally 
during the whole course of his reign. 10. He had now, 
indeed, occasion for all his activity and address, for he was 
surrounded with almost as many enemies as he had neigh- 
bours. The Illyr'ians, who had seized a part of his domi- 
nions, were preparing to attack him with a great army ; the 
Paeo'nians were making daily incursions into his territories; 
and he had, at the same time, the misfortune to have two 
pretenders to his crown, Pausa'nias, the Lacedsemo'nian, 
who was supported by the Thra'cians, and Argse'us, whom 
the Athenians had undertaken to assist. 

11. Under these circumstances, with so many enemies to 
oppose at once, even before he was well settled on the 
throne, his first care was to make sure of his own people, 
to gain their affections, and to raise their spirits ; for they 
were very much disheartened, having lost above four thou- 
sand men in a battle they had lately fought with the Illyr'- 
ians. He succeeded in these points by his dexterity and 
address, and still more by the force of his eloquence, of 
which he was a great master. 12. His next step was to 
train and exercise them, and reform their discipline. He 
likewise instituted the famous Macedonian phalanx, which 
did so much execution. It was an improvement upon the 
ancient method of fighting among the Grecians, who gene- 
rally drew up their foot so close, as to stand the shock of 
the enemy without being broken. 

13. The complete phalanx was thought to contain above 
sixteen thousand men : though it was also taken in general 
for any company or party of soldiers, and frequently for 
the whole body of foot. But this of Philip's invention is 



244 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

described by Polyb'ius to be an oblong square, consisting of 
eight thousand pike-men, sixteen deep, and five hundred in 
front ; the men standing so close together, that the pikes of 
the fifth rank were extended three feet beyond the line of the 
front. The rest, whose distance from the front made their 
pikes useless, rested upon the shoulders of those who stood 
before them, and so locking them together in file, pressed 
forward to support and push on the former ranks, by which 
means the assault was rendered more violent and almost 
irresistible. 

14. Philip having settled his affairs at home, and com- 
promised all differences with such of his enemies as lay 
nearest to him, turned his arms against the Athenians, who 
had marched to Metho'ne,* to assist Argae'us. He gave 
them battle, and defeated them : and the death of Argae'us, 
who was killed in the action, put an end to the dispute ; for 
he permitted the Athenians, when they were in his power, 
to return home. This instance of his moderation gained so 
far upon them, that they soon after concluded a peace with 
him ; which yet he observed no longer than was necessary 
for securing the other parts of his dominion. 

15. Accordingly, he marched northward, and subdued 
first the Paeo'nians, and afterwards the Illyr'ians, the latter 
of whom he likewise compelled to restore all the conquests 
they had made in Macedo'nia. He next made himself mas- 
ter of Amphip'olis, which lay upon the river Stry'mon, and 
was the key of his dominions in that quarter. 16. This 
place he had seized in the beginning of his reign, and after- 
wards abandoned in compliment to the Athenians, to whom 
it originally belonged ; but now, being less apprehensive of 
the displeasure of that people, he made an entire conquest 
of it, and added it to his dominions. The Athenians them- 
selves, however, he always treated with great respect, when- 
ever they fell into his hands, as he particularly did upon his 
taking possession of Pyd'nat and Potidre'a ; for this last 
place being garrisoned by the Athenians, he sent them home 
safe, with many marks of civility. 

17. Proceeding still in his encroachments upon his neigh- 
bours, he seized the city of Cren'ides4 which had beer 



* A town in Macedonia on the Thermaic gulf. 
■j- A town in Macedonia between the rivers Aliac'mon and Lyd'ius. 
\. It was likewise called Datum or Datos, and afterwards celebrated 
for the defeat of Brutus and Cassius. 



SECOND SACRED WAR. 245 

built only two years before, and he now called it Philip'pi, 
from his own name. Here he discovered a gold mine, which 
every year produced a hundred and forty-four thousand 
pounds sterling ; and this, which was an immense sum for 
that age, was much more serviceable than fleets and armies 
in fighting his battles ; and he seldom failed to make use of 
it in every negotiation. 18. It is said, that, consulting the 
oracle of Delphos, concerning the success of an intended 
expedition, he received for answer, " That with silver spears 
he should conquer all things." He took the hint, and, by 
his success, verified the prediction of the oracle. Indeed, 
he was less proud of the success of a battle than of a nego- 
tiation ; well knowing, that his soldiers and generals shared 
in the former, whereas the honour of the latter was all his 
own. 

19. But a large field was now opening to his ambition. 
The national divisions of the states of Greece were at no 
time wholly cemented, and they now broke out upon a very 
particular occasion. The first cause of the rupture (which 
was afterwards called the second sacred war) arose from the 
Pho'cians having cultivated the Cirrhaean plain, which had 
been so formally dedicated to Apollo at the termination of 
the first sacred war, (chap. III. sect. III.) Against this all 
the neighbouring states exclaimed as a sacrilege : the offend- 
ers were cited before the council of the Amphic'ty- C b.c. 
ons, who had the care of sacred matters ; and they C 357. 
were cast, and fined in a very heavy sum. This the Pho'- 
cians were unable to pay ; they therefore refused to submit 
to the decree ; they alleged, that the care and patronage of 
the temple anciently belonged to them : and to prove this 
they quoted a precedent from Homer. 

20. Philome'lus, one of their citizens, had the chief hand 
in exciting them to take up arms : he raised their ardour and 
was appointed their general. He first applied himself to 
the Spartans, who had likewise been fined by the Amphic'- 
tyons for having seized the Cadme'ia,* by the treacherous 
artifice of Phoe'bidas. For this reason they were very well 
disposed to join him, but did not yet think proper to declare 
themselves openly : nevertheless, they encouraged him se- 
cretly, and supplied him with money ; by which means he 
raised troops, and, without much difficulty, got possession 
of the temple. 21. The principal opposition he met with 

* The citadel of Thebes. 
X2 



246 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

in the neighbourhood was from the Lo'crians ; but, having 
defeated them, he erased the decree of the Amphic'tyons, 
which had been inscribed on the pillars of the temple. Will- 
ing, however, to give a colour to his proceedings, he thought 
it convenient to consult the oracle, and to procure an answer 
in his favour. But when he applied to the priestess for that 
purpose, she refused to officiate, until, being intimidated by 
his threats, she told him, the god left him at liberty to act as 
he pleased ; which he looked upon as a good answer, and 
as such took care to publish it. 

22. The Amphic'tyons meeting a second time, a resolu- 
tion was taken to declare war against the Pho'cians. Most 
of the states of Greece engaged in the quarrel, and espoused 
the cause of the one party or the other. The The'bans, 
the Lo'crians, the Thessa'lians, and several other neighbour- 
ing states, declared in favour of the god; whilst Athens, 
Sparta, and some other cities of the Peloponne'sus, joined 
with the Pho'cians. 23. This war, which lasted for some 
time, was not remarkable for any thing, except that which 
distinguishes, or rather disgraces, all religious wars, — the 
cruelties exercised by both parties. The The'bans, having 
taken some prisoners, condemned all to die, as sacrilegious 
wretches : and the Pho'cians, in their turn, by way of repri- 
sal, inflicted the same punishment on their captives. Nay, 
Philome'lus, their leader, being attacked on an eminence, 
and finding it impossible to escape, threw himself headlong 
from a rock, rather than fall alive into the hands of his ene- 
mies. He was succeeded by his brother, Onomar'chus. 

24. Philip did not choose to interfere in this quarrel, 
which it was rather his interest to encourage than suppress ; 
being well pleased to see the different states of Greece weaken 
one another, and thus render them all an easy prey to him 
when he should be at liberty to attack them. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the ancient situation of Macedon ? 

2. By whom was the Macedonian monarchy founded 1 

3. When did Macedon become independent of Persia ? 

4. What enemies appeared after the Persians were expelled 1 

5. Under what circumstances did Amyntas ascend the throne ? 

6. When did the Thebans interfere in the civil wars of Macedon ? 

7. Did the Athenians take any share in these wars 1 

8. Why was Philip raised to the throne ? 

9. Where did Philip receive his military education ' 
1 0. By what enemies was he attacked 1 



BIRTH OF ALEXANDER. 247 

1 1. How did he deliver himself from these dangers 1 

12. What improvement did Philip make in the art of war 1 

1 3. Describe the phalanx. 

14. What prudent moderation did he show in his treatment of the 

Athenians 1 

15. What enemies did Philip next subdue 1 

16. Did he annex any important cities to his dominions 

17. What important discovery was made at Crenides % 

IS. Did the Delphic oracle give a remarkable response to Philip 1 

19. What caused the second sacred war 1 

20. Did any Grecian people favour the Phocians 1 

21. By whom were the Phocians principally opposed? 

22. How were the Greek states divided in the sacred war? 

23. For what was the war principally remarkable 1 

24. How did Philip behave on the occasion 1 



SECTION Ii. 

THE LIFE OF PHILIP. 

Thence to the famous orators repair, 
Those ancient, whose resistless eloquence 
Wielded at will the fierce democracy, 
Shook th 1 Arsenal, and fulmined over Greece 
To Macedon and Artaxerxes' throne. — Milton. 

1. It was just on the conclusion of this sacred war that 
Alexander the Great was born.* In his earlier years he had 
several masters to teach him music, and other superficial 
accomplishments : but, when he grew up, his father wrote 
to Ar'istotle, the most celebrated philosopher of his time, 
begging he would come and undertake the education of his 
son, and inspire him with those sentiments of magnanimity 
and justice, which every great man ought to possess, and 
which no other person was so capable of inculcating. He 
added, ** I return thanks to the gods, not so much for having 
given me a son, as for having given him to me in the age in 
which Ar'istotle lives." 

2. Being desirous of reducing Thrace under his dominion, 
he determined to make himself master of Metho'ne, which 
obstructed his designs in that quarter. He accordingly be- 
sieged it, obliged it to surrender, and levelled it with the 
ground. 

3. After this, Philip marched to the relief of the Thes- 
sa'lians, who had implored his assistance against their tyrant 
Lyc'ophron, the successor of Alexander of Phe'rae. This 

* This important event happened in the one hundred and sixth olym- 
piad, 455 years B. C. on the very night that the famous temple of Diana 
at Ephesus was burned by Eros' tratus. 



248 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

man, after having acted the part of a deliverer for some 
time, renewed all the cruelties and barbarities of his prede- 
cessor ; and, being supported by a large body of Pho'cians 
under Onomar'chus, he thought himself secure from all op- 
position. Philip, however, attacked him boldly, routed his 
army, killed six thousand men upon the field of battle ; and 
three thousand Pho'cians, who were taken prisoners, were, 
by his order, thrown into the sea, as sacrilegious wretches, 
the professed enemies of religion.* 

4. Having thus freed the Thessa'lians, he resolved to 
carry his arms into Pho'cis, and with this view was going 
to take possession of Thermopylae, the key of Greece, and 
especially of At'tica on that side ; but the Athenians, being 
informed of his intention, took care to be beforehand with 
him, and sent a body of troops to occupy that pass : and 
Philip, unwilling to come as yet to an open rupture with 
them, thought proper for the present to relinquish his design. 
The Athenians were roused to this exertion of spirit by the 
persuasion of Demos'thenes, the celebrated orator, who, from 
the beginning foresaw the ambitious views of Philip, and the 
power he had of carrying them into effect. 
b.c. ~) 5. This illustrious orator and statesman, whom we 
382. 5 shall hereafter find acting so considerable a part in 
the course of this history, was born in the last year of the 
ninety-ninth olympiad ; he was the son, not of a mean and 
obscure mechanic, as Juvenal has represented him, but of an 
eminent Athenian citizen, who had raised a considerable 
fortune by the making of arms. At the age of seven years 
he lost his father ; and to add to this misfortune, the guar- 
dians to whom he was intrusted neglected his education, 
and wasted or embezzled a considerable part of his inherit- 
ance. 6. The first specimen he gave of his abilities as a 
speaker was in pleading against these corrupt guardians ; 
though here the goodness of his cause was of more avail 
than the force of his eloquence ; for his early attempts were 
unpromising, and soon convinced him of the necessity of a 
graceful and manly pronunciation. In this respect, indeed, 
he laboured under impediments that at first sight might 
appear insurmountable.! 7. By the instruction of Sat'yrus, 

* Philip, however, had been previously defeated by Onomar'chus in 
two several engagements. 

j- The following instances of his industry and perseverance deserve to 
oe recorded : — He had a stammering in his speech ; but this he cor- 
rected by pronouncing orations with pebbles in his mouth. He had a 



CHARACTER OF DEMOSTHENES. 249 




Demosthenes declaiming on the sea shore. 

celebrated player, and his own perseverance, he at last 
attained to such perfection in the art of delivery, that he 
surpassed all his contemporaries as much in this as he did 
in the more noble and sublime parts of his profession. In 
a word, he soon began to be looked upon as the standard of 
true eloquence ; insomuch that people flocked from all parts 
of Greece to hear him, and none of his countrymen have 
been put in competition with him ; nor even among the 
Romans, any but Ci"cero. Indeed, the counsels and con- 
duct of his countrymen were so much under his control, and 
he had it so much in his power to lead them into any measure 
he thought proper to recommend, that Philip used to say, he 
was more afraid of him than of all the fleets and armies of 
the Athenians, and that he had no enemy but Demos'- 
thenes. 

8. Philip finding himself excluded from Greece, C b.c. 
determined to turn his arms against some of the c 348. 
more remote states, and to cripple as far as possible the 
power of the Athenians, by depriving them of their mari- 
time allies and colonies. After having made himself master 
of several minor towns, he at length ventured to attack 

weak and effeminate voice ; but this he strengthened by repeating speeches 
or verses when he was out of breath, either with running, or with walk- 
ing up hill, or on the sea shore when the waves were boisterous. He 
had an awkward and ungraceful gesture ; but this he regulated and im- 
proved by declaiming privately before a looking glass. And, conscious 
of the natural aversion of the human mind to submit to severe study, 
he compelled himself, as it were, to perform this part of his duty ; for, 
having built a closet under ground for the express purpose of improve- 
ment, he sometimes confined himself there for two or three months to- 
gether ; and, in order to cut of all possibility of his coming abroad, 
shaved one half of his head, while he left the other unshaved. 



250 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Olyn'thus, a city on the Macedonian coast, which was the 
capital of a large and fertile district, called the Chalcid'ice 
The Olyn'thians, after having been defeated in the field, 
shut themselves up in their city, and prepared to make a 
vigorous defence. They also sent ambassadors to Athens, 
entreating assistance, and pointing out the danger to which 
the maritime supremacy of the republic would be exposed, 
if Philip made himself master of such an extensive sea coast 
as the Chalcid'ice, and the peninsula of Palle'ne. These 
representations were ably seconded by Demos'thenes in his 
four Olynthiac orations ; but the Athenians, sunk in indo- 
lence, delayed the succours until they were too late ; for in 
the second year of the siege, two of the citizens, Las'thenes 
and Euthy'crates, betrayed the city to Philip. 9. He treated 
the captives with the most barbarous cruelty, slaughtering 
or enslaving all his prisoners, and distinguishing the two 
traitors only by additional tortures at the place of execution. 
His two illegitimate brothers, who had. been hitherto shel- 
tered by the Olynthians, now fell into his hands, and were 
sacrificed to his jealousy and revenge. 

10. In the mean time the Thebans, being unable alone to 
terminate the war which they had so long carried on against 
the Pho'cians, addressed themselves to Philip, and solicited 
his assistance. This he readily granted, being glad of so 
plausible a pretext for interfering in the affairs of Greece, 
and desiring at the same time to acquire the character of a 
religious prince ; which he knew he should easily do by 
waging war against those who were convicted of sacrilege. 
11. And in order to prevent the Athenians from thwarting 
his designs by sending aid to the Pho'cians, he took care to 
amuse them with proposals of peace ; which had so good 
an effect, that they actually sent ten ambassadors, among 
whom were iEs'chines and Demos'thenes, into Ma"cedon, 
to carry on the treaty. All of these, however, Philip found 
means to corrupt, except Demos'thenes : and he thus con- 
tinued to protract the negotiation, until he had marched into 
Pho'cis, and compelled the enemy, by the terror of his 
name, to surrender at discretion. 

12. As to the allies of the Pho'cians, and particularly 
eight thousand mercenaries fron Peloponne'sus, he allowed 
them to return home without molestation ; but the Pho'- 
cians themselves were left entirely to his mercy. As this, 
however, was an affair in which the Greeks in general were 
concerned, he did not think proper to act in it by his own 



AMBITIOUS PROJECTS OF PHILIP. 251 

private authority, but referred it to the Amphic'tyons, whom 
he caused to be assembled for that purpose. But they were 
so much under his influence, that they served only to give 
a sanction to his determination. They decreed, that three 
of the cities of Pho'cis should be demolished ; that they 
who had fled, as being principally concerned in the sacri- 
lege, should be stigmatized as accursed, and proscribed as 
outlaws ; that they who remained in the towns should be 
dispersed in villages, and obliged to pay out of their lands 
a yearly tribute of sixty talents, until the whole of what 
had been taken out of the temple should be restored, (for it 
is to be observed that Philome'lus, their first leader, had 
plundered the temple,) and they were adjudged to lose their 
seat in the council of the Amphic'tyons, in which they had 
a double voice.* 13. This Philip got transferred to him- 
self, which v/as a very material point, and may be looked 
upon as the principal step towards his gaining that authority 
which he afterwards exercised in the affairs of Greece. At 
the same time he gained, in conjunction with the The'bans, 
the superintendency of the Pyth'ian games, which the Co- 
rin'thians had forfeited, for their having taken part with the 
Pho'cians. Philip, having in this manner accomplished his 
professed design, did not think it prudent as yet to disclose 
his secret views of ambition ; he, therefore, returned in 
triumph into his own country. 

14. The next military operation which Philip undertook 
was against the Thracian Cher'sonese. This peninsula had 
for many years belonged to the Athenians ; and though 
Co'tys, as king of the country, had lately wrested it from 
them, and let it to his son Chersoblep'tes, yet he, being 
unable to defend himself against Philip, restored it to its 

* Philip proceeded to execute the decree of the Amphictyons with 
inflexible cruelty ; and the silence with which this was done seemed 
more dreadful than the tumultuary ravages of the fiercest war. After 
their cities were demolished, the inhabitants were driven, like herds of 
cattle, to the settlements allotted them, and compelled to cultivate the 
fields for their cruel and unrelenting masters. Three years after these 
events, Phocis presented a piteous sight of unexampled devastation. 
The youth and men of mature age had perished in the war, or been 
dragged into captivity. The once flourishing and populous cities had 
been razed to the ground, and the villages were thinly inhabited by 
women and children, and wretched old men, whose silent, but emphatic 
sorrow, was more expressive than all the complaints they could have 
uttered, and fitly bespoke the misery of their condition, and the barbarity 
®f their conquerors. 



252 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

former masters, and reserved only to himself the capital city, 
Car'dia. But the Cardians, afraid of falling back under the 
dominion of the Athenians, implored the protection of 
Philip, which he readily granted them. 15. Diopei'thes, 
who was the chief of the Athenian colony lately sent to the 
Cherso'nese, considered this proceeding of Philip as an act 
of hostility against Athens ; and he therefore, by way of 
retaliation, invaded the maritime parts of Thrace, which 
Philip had lately conquered. Philip sent a lettei to Athens, 
complaining of this conduct of Diopei'thes, which he repre- 
sented as an infraction of the peace ; and his creatures there 
were at great pains to show that his complaints were well 
founded, and that Diopei'thes had acted very improperly. 
16. But Demos'thenes, in a speech which he had made 
upon the occasion, and which may be considered as the 
foundation of all the other orations that go by the name of 
Philip'pics, proved that Diopei'thes had done no more than 
his duty ; and that, instead of incurring the censure, he 
ought to receive the thanks of his. country. 

17. Philip, however, was no way intimidated by the 
wordy resistance of his eloquent antagonist : but proceed- 
ing still to extend his influence among the different states 
of Greece, he offered his protection to the Messe'nians and 
Argives, who had been oppressed by the Spartans ; and 
these being soon after joined by the Thebans, formed alto- 
gether a very powerful confederacy. The natural balance 
against it was a union between Athens and Sparta, which 
the Spartans pressed with great eagerness, and Philip and 
the Thebans did all they could to prevent. But Demos'- 
thenes, exerting himself with great spirit, roused up the 
Athenians, and put them so far on their guard, that, without 
coming to an open rupture with Philip, they obliged him for 
the present to remain quiet. 

18. Quiet, however, he could not long continue. His 
restless and enterprising spirit was ever at work. He had 
long fixed his eye upon the island of Eubce'a, as being very 
conveniently situated for favouring the design he had formed 
against Greece ; and he now contrived, upon pretence of an 
invitation from some of the inhabitants, to send a body of 
troops thither ; by which means he possessed himself of 
several strong places, dismantled Portmos, and established 
three tyrants, or kings, over the country. 19. The Athe- 
nians were conjured, in this distressful situation, by Plutarch 
of Ere'tria, to come to the relief of the inhabitants; and 



AMBITIOUS PROJECTS OF PHILIP. 253 

they accordingly despatched a few troops thither under the 
command of Pho'cion, a general of whom great hopes were 
entertained, and whose conduct justified the high opinion 
the public entertained of him. 

20. Pho'cion had been long opposed to the poli- r b.c. 
tics of Demos'thenes, not because he was blind to ^ 342. 
the ambition of Philip, but because he despaired of his own 
countrymen. His own rule of life was strict and severe 
formed on the rigid model of the Stoics ; he, therefore, fel 
more acutely the demoralized condition of Athens, and the 
depravity which pervaded every class of society. Unfor- 
tunately, he took but little trouble to disguise his sentiments, 
and his bitter sarcasms excited enmity, where gentle remon- 
strance might have produced good effects. 21. He was 
accompanied in the expedition to Eubce'a by Demos'thenes, 
and the harangues of the orator not a little contributed to the 
success of the general. The independence of the island 
was secured. Plutarch, who had invited the Athenians in 
vain, threw himself into the ranks of their opponents 
Pho'cion totally defeated the traitor in a pitched battle, and 
drove him from the island. 



Questions far Examination. 

1. How was Alexander educated? 

2. What city in Thrace did Philip subdue 1 

3. How did Philip behave in Thessaly 1 

4. By whom was the king of Macedon prevented from seizing Thez 

mopylae 1 

5. What were the circumstances of the early life of Demos'thenes 1 

6. How did he succeed in his first public speech 1 

7. Were these defects overcome 1 

8. How did Philip make himself master of Olynthus 1 

9. In what manner were the captives treated 1 

10. Why was Philip eager to join in the sacred war 1 

1 1. How were the Athenians prevented from interfering 1 

12. What punishment was inflicted on the Phocians 1 

13. How were the services of Philip rewarded 1 

14. What was the next enterprise of the Macedonian king 1 

15. How did Diopeithes act! 

16. By whom was his conduct defended? 

17. What were the next proceedings of Philip 1 

18. Did he attack any important island 1 

19. Were the Athenians invited to assist in repelling this invasion 

20. What was the character of Phocian 1 

21. What was the success of the expedition to Eretria ? 

Y 



254 HISTORY OF GREECE. 



SECTION III. 

THE SUCCESSFUL CAREER OF PHILIP. 

Awake, Athenians ! oh awake though late. 

Avert the ruin of your tottering state ; 

If in your hearts or grief or courage lies, 

Rise to redeem, oh yet to conquer rise. — Homer. 

1. Philip, disappointed in his designs upon Eubce'a, 
endeavoured to distress the Athenians in another quarter. 
He well knew that they had most of their supplies of corn 
from Thrace ; and he, therefore, resolved to shut up the 
ports of that country against them, and particularly to 
make himself master of Perin'thus* and Byzantium.t 
2. Still unwilling, however, to break with them entirely, 
he took care to amuse them with professions of his re- 
gard, and of his extreme reluctance to give them the least 
offence. Nay, he wrote them a letter, upon the present 
occasion, in which he strongly insinuated, that they, and 
not he, were the violaters of the peace. " In the times of 
enmity," says he, " the most you did was to fit out ships 
of war against me, and to seize and sell the merchants that 
came to trade in my dominions ; but now you carry your 
hatred and injustice to such prodigious lengths, as even to 
send ambassadors to the king of Persia, to make him de- 
clare war against me." 3. The king of Persia was greatly 
alarmed at the rapid progress made by the Macedonian 
monarch, as he clearly saw that his ultimate aim was to 
accomplish the great design of Jason, and invade Persia at 
the .iead of a Greek army collected from all the states. To 
prevent this, the eastern monarch distributed large sums 
among the leading orators, and the Persian gold had fully as 
much influence as patriotism, in the opposition made by the 
demagogues to Philip. The Macedonian bribed in his turn, 
and secured a strong body of partisans at Athens, by whose 
assistance he hoped either to cajole or terrify the multitude, 
whom their love of pleasure and tranquillity had rendered 
weak and contemptible. 

* Now Eretili, a town of Thrace. It was a very strong town, and 
very ably defended by its inhabitants. When Philip found all his 
attempts to take the place ineffectual, he suddenly detached a strong corps 
of his army to attack Byzantium, which city had been drained of its 
garrison to defend Perinthus. This scheme would probably have suc- 
ceeded, had not the arrival of Phocion, with his fleet, quite changed the 
f ace of affairs, and compelled him to raise the siege of both | laces. 

j- A town on the Thracian Bos'phorus, now Constantinople. 



SUCCESSES OF PHILIP. 255 

4. His letter gave such of the orators as were in Philip's 
interest a fine opportunity of justifying his conduct. De- 
mos'thenes alone stood firm, and still continued to expose his 
artful designs : and, in order to remove the first impressions 
which the perusal of this letter might make, he immediately 
ascended the tribunal, and from thence harangued the people 
with all the thunder of his eloquence. 5. He told them 
that the letter was written in a style not suitable to the peo- 
ple of Athens ; that it was a plain declaration of war against 
them : that Philip had long since made the same declaration 
by his actions : and that by the peace he had concluded 
with them, he meant nothing more than a bare cessation of 
arms, and to fall upon them afresh when they were mort 
unprepared. 

6. Though Pho'cion seldom agreed with Demos'thenes 
in any thing, he heartily assented to what he had now said. 
He further urged the ignorance of the generals already 
chosen, especially Cha'res, whom the favour of the populace 
still retained in command, in spite of the numerous instances 
of profligacy and incapacity that he had exhibited. 7. But 
his late failure at Byzan'tium was a disgrace too flagrant to 
be excused, he was set aside, and Pho'cion himself was 
appointed to command the troops that were to go against. 
Philip, who was still besieging Byzan'tium. Cha'res had 
undertaken to defend this city against the Macedonians ; but 
the Byzan'tines refused to admit into their harbour a leader, 
whose rapacity made him more formidable than an enemy, 
and Cha'res was soon after signally defeated by Amyntas, 
Philip's admiral. 

8. Pho'cion's conduct on this occasion did not detract 
from the high character he had already acquired ; and he 
was nobly supported by his officers and soldiers, who had 
an entire confidence in his gallantry and good fortune. 
9. He obliged Philip to give over the siege ; he drove him 
out of the Hei'lespont ; he took some of his ships ; he 
recovered many fortresses which he had seized ; and having 
made several descents upon different parts of his territories, 
he plundered all the open country, till a body of forces 
assembling to oppose him, he thought proper to retire. 

10. Philip, having met with so severe a check C b.c. 
in Greece, turned his arms against the Scythians, C 340. 
whom he easily defeated ; but, in his return from Scyth'ia, 
he was obliged to come to an engagement with the Tri- 



256 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

bal'li,* when he received a wound in his thigh, and had his 
horse killed under him. Alexander, who accompanied him in 
this expedition, immediately flew to his father's relief, and 
covering him with his shield, killed or put to flight all who 
attacked him. 

11. During the absence of the Macedonian monarch, a 
powerful coalition was formed against him by the Grecian 
states. The Persian king supplied money with a liberal 
hand ; Demos'thenes roused his countrymen by the most 
animating appeals, and the late triumphant expedition of 
Pho'cion encouraged those whom the continued successes 
of Philip had reduced to despair. 12. On this occasion the 
Athenians repealed the destructive law which ordered the 
public treasures to be expended in shows and dramatic 
entertainments ; they determined that this fund should for 
the future be applied to its original and proper destination, 
and in consequence they were soon able to collect a fleet far 
superior to the Macedonian navy. 

13. The Athenians considered the siege of Byzan'tiumas 
an open declaration of war ; and, therefore, in order to reta- 
liate upon Philip, they blocked up his ports by sea, and put 
an entire stop to his commerce. Philip at first endeavoured 
to appease them, by offering them terms of peace, which 
Pho'cion, with his usual moderation, advised them to accept ; 
but Demos'thenes persuaded them to reject with indigna- 
nation. 14. Philip, therefore, began to form new alliances 
against them, particularly with the Thebans and Thessa'- 
lians : but knowing how difficult it would be to persuade 
these powers to act directly against Athens, merely on 
account of his personal quarrels, he took care to supply 
them with a more plausible pretext for embracing such a 
measure. He found means, by his artifice and intrigues, to 
sow dissensions between the Lo'crians of Amphis'sa and 
the Amphic'tyonic council. They were accused of impiety, 
in having ploughed up a spot of sacred ground, which lay 
near the temple of Apollo, in the same manner as the Pho'- 
cians had done upon a former occasion. 15. This spark, 
which at first might easily have been extinguished, JEs'- 
chines, the most celebrated orator of his time, next to De- 
mos'thenes, and who was entirely in the interest of Philip, 
contrived to blow up into a flame ; and, by his advice, a 

* The inhabitants of the country now called Bulgaria, or, as others 
say, Servia. 



SUCCESSES OF PHILIP. 257 

resolution was taken to send a solemn deputation to Philip 
inviting' him to assist Apollo and the Amphic'tyons, and to 
repel the outrages of the impious Amphissae'ans ; and fur- 
ther to declare, that he was constituted, by the Greeks, a 
member of the council of Amphic'tyons, and general and 
commander of the forces, with full and unlimited powers. 

16. This was the very station to which Philip had long 
aspired, and now thought himself supremely happy in hav- 
ing attained. Most of the inferior states of Greece ap- 
proved of the conduct of the Amphic'tyons, in giving the 
command of their forces to a man so eminent and illustrious 
for his piety, and so capable of executing the vengeance of 
heaven. The Athenians and Spartans, however, considered 
the matter in a very different light. They saw that while 
Philip openly affected to vindicate the honour of Apollo, he 
was secretly promoting the views of his own ambition ; and 
that, under pretence of aiding one part of the Greeks against 
the other, he was in reality forging chains for the whole. 
17. Nor was it long before their suspicions were C b.c. 
justified by the events ; for Philip had no sooner C 338. 
assembled his forces, than, instead of marching, as he had 
promised, against the irreverent Lo'crians, he made himself 
master of Elate'ia, a capital city of Phocis, which was very 
conveniently situated for awing the Thebans, of whom he 
began to grow jealous, and for opening to him a way into 
the heart of At'tica.* By so extraordinary and unsuspected 
a step, he fairly threw off the mask, and bade defiance, as it 
were, to the whole body of Grecians. 

18. The news of this transaction quickly spread into the 
neighbouring countries, and, wherever it came, filled the 
minds of the people with terror and consternation. They 
now plainly perceived the designs of Philip, which his arti- 
fice and their own stupidity had hitherto concealed from 
their eyes ; but they were at a loss to know what steps they 
ought to take, in order to render them abortive. 19. Even 
the Athenians themselves, though they had long appre- 
hended some such event, were as much confounded and 
alarmed as their neighbours. 20. It was late in the evening 
when a courier arrived at Athens, to announce the fall of 
Elatei'a ; the people had retired to their houses, the magis- 

* This was Philip's masterpiece, by which he showed that he was able 
to overreach all the statesmen of Greece ; for if any of the states had 
suspected his design, they would never have consented to the decree 
which gave him a free passage into their country. 
t2 



258 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

trates were at supper in the Prytaneium : but in an instant 
all were abroad. Some went to search for the generals ; 
others sought the officers whose duty it was to summon the 
general assembly ; but the greater part hurried to the market- 
place, and pulled down or burned the booths which had been 
erected there in order to make room for the meeting on the 
morrow. Terror and confusion filled Athens , and even the 
wisest statesmen seemed to have lost all confidence and pre- 
sence of mind. For when they met in a general assembly 
on the following morning, in order to deliberate upon the 
present critical situation of affairs, and the herald, as usual, 
demanded with a loud voice, " which among them would 
ascend the tribunal," not one of them had the courage to 
rise, or open his mouth ; till at last Demos'thenes, animated 
with the greatness of the approaching danger, and fired with 
the noble spirit of indignation which he had ever cherished 
and avowed against the insidious designs of Philip, arose, 
and in an eloquent harangue, stimulated the people to imme- 
diate resistance, and raised their drooping spirits by showing 
the great resources which were still at their command. 
21. He began by infusing into their breast a ray of hope, 
assuring them that were not the Thebans hostile to Philip, 
he would not be at Elatei'a, but on the borders of Attica. 
He then exhorted them to march their forces immediately to 
Eleu'sis, in order that the friends of Grecian freedom might 
derive confidence from seeing an army prepared to contend 
for the common cause ; and proposed that an embassy should 
be immediately sent to Thebes, offering that state, on the 
most liberal terms, the alliance and assistance of Athens. 

22. This speech, dictated by the feelings of a patriotic 
heart, and delivered with all that fire and vehemence for 
which the orator was so remarkable, immediately produced 
Ihe desired effect. The Athenians determined to follow the 
advice that had been now given them : they appointed De- 
mos'thenes himself to head the embassy to be sent to 
Thebes ; and they resolved to fit out a fleet of two hundred 
sail, to cruise near Thermop'ylae. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What projects did Philip form after his defeat at Euboea ? 

2. Did he endeavour to deceive the Athenians ? 

3 Were the public men of Greece very corrupt at this time 1 

4 Were all the Athenians deceived by Philip's letter ? 



CONFEDERACY AGAINST PHILIP. 259 

5. How w as it answered by Demosthenes 1 

6. Who was appointed to command the Athenian army 1 

7. Why was Chares set aside 1 

8. How did Phocion succeed 1 

9. Did Macedon suffer in its turn 1 

10. To what danger was Philip exposed in the war with the Tuballi 1 

11. What took place during Philip's absence in Scythia? 

12. Did the Athenians repeal any injurious law "! 

3. How did they show their hostility to Philip ? 

4. In what manner did Philip obtain the assistance of the Thebans 1 

15. What was the cause of the Amphissean war 1 

1 6. Were all the Greeks satisfied with the appointment of Philip to the 

chief command 1 

17. What city did Philip seize 1 

18. How were the Greeks affected by this news 1 

19. How was the account received at Athens'? 

20. What was the conduct of Demosthenes on the occasion 1 

21. What were the principal topics that he urged? 

22. What was the effect of this speech ] 



SECTION IV. 

BATTLE OF CH^RONEA DEATH OF PHILIP. 

Forset not the field where they perish'd, 

The truest, the la9t of the brave; 
All gone— and the bright hope we cherish'd, 

Gone with them and sunk in the grave. — Moore. 

1. Upon his arrival at Thebes, Demos'thenes, found him- 
self opposed by Phi'lon of Byzantiui:a, a man of considera- 
ble abilities, whom Philip had purposely sent thither to coun- 
teract the designs of the Athenian orator. This, however, 
he was not able to effect. The masculine eloquence of De- 
mos'thenes carried all before it, and inspired the Thebans 
with so strong a passion for liberty that they resolved to 
join their forces with those of the Athenians, in preventing 
the further progress of the Macedonian arms.* 

2. Philip, disconcerted by the union of two such powerful 
states, sent ambassadors to the Athenians, requesting them 
to desist from their warlike preparations ; but finding them 
determined to adhere to their engagements with Thebes, he 
endeavoured to intimidate both them and their allies by 
omens and predictions, which he took care to procure from 

* This alliance Demos'thenes represented at Athens as a master-stroke 
of policy, as thereby the war was removed to a distance from Attica ; to 
which Phocion shrewdly replied, Let us not be so careful about the 
place -where -we are to engage, as how to get the victory ; that is the 
only -way to keep the -war at a distance. If -we are overcome, the 
very -worst of calamities -will soon be at our doors. 



2G0 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the priestess of Apollo. 3. Demos'thenes, however, per- 
suaded them to pay no regard to those ridiculous oracles. 
He told them that the priestess Philippized, thereby insinuat- 
ing that it was Philip's money which inspired her, and made 
her draw from Apollo whatever answer she thought proper. 
He bade the Thebans remember their Epaminon'das, and 
the Athenians their Per'icles, who considered these oracles 
and predictions as idle scarecrows, and consulted only their 
reason. The Athenian army set out immediately, and 
marched to Eleu'sis ; and the Thebans, surprised at the 
diligence of their confederates, joined them, and waited the 
approach of the enemy. 

b.c. ) 4. Philip, conscious of his own abilities, and at 
338. 5 the same time convinced of the extreme weakness 
of those who commanded the allied army, determined to 
bring on a general engagement as soon as possible ; and, 
with this view, he advanced into the plain of Chasronei'a,* 
a place rendered famous by the event of this important con- 
test. 5. His army amounted to about thirty-two thousand 
men ; that of the confederates did not exceed thirty thou- 
sand.! But the disparity of numbers was a trifling disad- 
vantage, compared with the deficiency of the allied generals. 
The Athenians placed at the head of their forces Ly 'sides, 
of whom nothing was known, and Cha'res, whose utter 
worthlessness was notorious ; the Thebans, with equal folly, 
gave the command to Theag'enes, a man more than sus- 
pected of treachery. Thus in the last struggle for freedom, 
the chances of success were profligately sacrificed to the 
intrigues of faction — a complete proof that Greece was now 
ripe for ruin. 

6. And now the fatal morning appeared which was for ever 
to decide the cause of liberty and the empire of Greece. Be- 
fore the rising of the sun both armies were ranged in order 
of battle. The Thebans, with the sacred band in front, oc- 
cupied the right wing of the confederate Greeks ; the Athe- 

* Situated on the frontiers of Boeotia, and celebrated for having given 
birth to Plutarch. 

f On the eve of the day on which this decisive battle was fought 
Dio"genes, the cynic, who had long looked with equal contempt on either 
Darty, was led by curiosity to visit the camps, as an unconcerned spec- 
tator. In the Macedonian camp, where his person and character were 
*ot known, he was stopped by the guards, and conducted to Philip's tent. 
The king asked him sternly whether he came as a spy : " Yes," said 
Dio^genes, " I am come as a spy upon your folly and ambition, in thus 
petting your life and kingdom to the hazard of an hour." 



BATTLE OF CHjERONEIA. 261 

nians, commanded by Ly 'sides and Cha'res, formed the left; 
and the Corin'thians and Peloponne'sians were posted in 
the centre. On the left of the Macedonian army stood 
Alexan'der, at the head of a chosen body of noble Macedo- 
nians, supported by the famous cavalry of Thes'saly. In 
the centre were placed those Greeks who had united with 
Philip, and on whose courage he could least depend ; while the 
king himself commanded on the right, where his renowned 
phalanx stood, to oppose the impetuosity w r ith which the 
Athenians were well known to begin their onset. 

7. The charge began on each side with all the courage and 
violence which ambition, revenge, the love of glory, and the 
love of liberty could excite in the several combatants. Alex- 
an'der, at the head of the Macedo'nian nobles, first fell with 
all the fury of youthful courage on the sacred band of Thebes, 
which sustained the attack with a bravery and vigour wor- 
thy of its former fame. The gallant youths who composed 
this body, not being timely or duly supported by their coun- 
trymen, bore up for a while against the torrent of the ene- 
my ; till at length, oppressed and overpowered by superior 
numbers, without yielding or turning their backs on their 
assailants, they sunk down on that ground where they had 
been originally stationed, each by the side of his darling 
friend, their bodies forming a bulwark against the progress 
of the enemy. But the young prince and his forces, in all 
the enthusiastic ardour of valour, animated by success, pushed 
on through all the carnage, and over the heaps of slain, and 
fell furiously on the main body of the Thebans. They were 
opposed with obstinate and deliberate courage, and the con- 
test was for some time supported with equal resolution on 
both sides. 

8. In the mean time the Athenians, on the left wing, fought 
with a spirit and intrepidity worthy of the character which 
they boasted, and of the cause by which they were animated. 
Many gallant efforts were made by either party, and suc- 
cess was for some time doubtful ; till at length part of the 
centre, and the right wing of the Macedonians (except the 
phalanx) yielded to the impetuous attack of the Athenians, 
and fled with some precipitation. 9. Transported by the 
advantage now obtained, the presumptuous Lys'icles* cried 
out, " Come on, my gallant countrymen ; the victory is 
ours ; let us pursue these cowards, and drive them back to 

* Other authors say that this exelamation was uttered by Strat'ocles, 
another Athenian general. 



262 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Macedon." And thus, instead of improving the happy op- 
portunity of charging the phalanx in flank, and so breaking 
this formidable body, the Athenians wildly and precipitately 
pressed forward in pursuit of the flying enemy, themselves 
in all the tumult and disorder of a rout. 

10. Philip saw this fatal error with all the contempt of a 
skilful general, and the secret exultation arising from the 
assurance of approaching victory. He coolly observed to 
those officers that stood around him, that the Athenians 
knew not how to conquer ; and ordered his phalanx to 
change its position, and, by a sudden evolution, to gain 
possession of an adjacent eminence. From thence they 
marched deliberately down, firm and collected, and fell with 
their united force on the Athenians, now confident of success, 
and blind to their danger. The shock was irresistible : they 
were at once overwhelmed, many of them lay crushed by 
the weight of the enemy, and expiring of their wounds 
while the rest escaped from the dreadful slaughter by a 
shameful and precipitate flight; bearing down and hurrying 
along with them those troops which had been stationed for 
their support. 

11. While Philip was thus triumphant on his side, Alex- 
ander continued the conflict on the other wing, and at 
length broke the Thebans in spite of all their acts of valour, 
who now fled from the field, and were pursued with great 
carnage. The centre of the confederates was thus totally 
abandoned to the fury of a victorious enemy. But enough 
of slaughter had already been made, more than one thousand 
of the Athenians lay dead on the field of battle, two thou- 
sand were made prisoners ; and the loss of the Thebans 
was not inferior. 12. Philip, therefore, determined to con- 
clude his important victory by an act of apparent clemency, 
which his policy and ambition really dictated. He gave 
orders that the Greeks should be spared, carefully locking 
up in his own breast the design he had formed against their 
tiberties, and hoping one day to march at their head t 
accomplish the conquest of the Persian monarchy. 

13. Philip's behaviour, upon obtaining this victory, is dif- 
ferently represented by different historians. Some say, that 
he expressed his joy in so extravagant and even ludicrous a 
manner, as to extort from Dem'ades, one of the Athenian 
prisoners, the following severe reprimand : " Fortune," said 
that orator to him, ' has assigned you the part of Agamem'- 



DEATH OF ISOCRATES. 203 

lion,* but you are acting that of Thersi'tes."f Justin, how 
ever, represents his conduct in a more amiable and engaging 
light. He says, that he was at great pains to dissemble his 
joy ; that he affected extreme modesty, and the utmost com 
passion for the prisoners ; that he was not even seen to 
laugh ; that he would have no sacrifice, no crowns, no per- 
fumes ; that he forbade all kinds of sports ; and did nothing 
that might make him appear to the conquerors to be elated, 
nor to the conquered to be insolent. 14. Certain it is, that 
he immediately concluded a peace with the Athenians ; and, 
though he treated the Thebans, as unfaithful allies, with 
greater severity, yet, after compelling them to pay a ransom 
for their prisoners, and a large sum of money for leave to 
bury their dead, and after placing a garrison in their citadel, 
he agreed to make peace with them also. 

15. It is said that Isoc'rates, the celebrated rhetorician, 
was so deeply affected when he heard of the loss of the battle 
of Chaerone'ia, that, unable to survive the disgrace which 
that event had brought upon his country, he hastened his end 
by abstaining from all food ; he was then in the ninety-eighth 
year of his age 4 

16. Lys'icles, who had the chief command of the Athe- 
nians in this engagement, and by whose misconduct the bat- 
tle had been lost, was soon after summoned before an assem- 
bly of the people, and condemned to die at the instance of 
Lycurgus, who had great credit and influence in the city, but 
who was a severe judge and a most bitter accuser. " You, 
Lys'icles," said he, " were general of the army ; a thousand 
citizens were slain, two thousand taken prisoners ; a trophy 
has been erected to the dishonour of this city, and all Greece 
is enslaved. You had the command when all these things 

* Agamemnon was king of Argos, and commander-in-chief of the 
confederated Greeks at the siege of Troy. 

f A chief in the same army, more celebrated for satire and buffoonery 
than valour. 

i Isocrates was the son of Theodoras, a musical instrument maker, 
at Athens. Though, from an unconquerable timidity, he never spoke 
in the popular assemblies, he opened a school of eloquence at Athens, 
where he distinguished himself by the number, character, and fame of 
his pupils, and by the immense riches which he amassed. Isocrates has 
always been admired for the sweetness and graceful simplicity of his 
style, for the harmony of his expressions, and the dignity of his lan- 
guage. The remains of his orations extant inspire the world with the 
highest veneration of his abilities as an orator, a moralist, and, above 
all, as a man. 



264 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

happened ; and yet you dare to live, and view the light of 
the sun, and blush not to appear publicly in the forum ; you, 
Lys'icles, who are born the monument of your country's 
shame !" 

17. Cha'res, who was probably as guilty as Lys'icles, 
appears to have escaped merely through the insignificance 
of his character. Indeed, his abilities were so contemptible, 
that, according to Timo'theus, "he was much fitter to carry 
the general's baggage, than to be a general himself." 

18. Many people thought that Demos'thenes might, on 
account of his speeches, be considered as the real cause of 
that terrible blow which Athens had now sustained, and that 
upon him, therefore, would certainly fall the principal weight 
of the national resentment. But in this they were disap- 
pointed. The Athenians were so fully convinced of his 
integrity and patriotism, that at the very moment they were 
smarting under the wound they had just received, they 
submitted entirely to his counsels and direction. Indeed, he 
appears to have been highly deserving of all the confidence 
they reposed in him. For being appointed, at this time, to 
supply the city with provisions, and to repair the walls, he 
executed the latter commission with so much generosity, 
that as the public treasure was unequal to the expense, he 
made up the deficiency out of his own private fortune. 

19. In the mean time, Philip had his ambition pleased, 
but not satisfied, with his last victory. The sovereignty of 
Greece, even if he had acquired it, he always considered 
but as a secondary object, and only as the means of pre- 
paring his way for the conquest of Persia, which he had 
long planned in his mind, and hoped to be able one day to 
accomplish. But this he knew he could not do without 
the assistance of the Greeks, which, however, he thought 
he could the more easily procure for such an undertaking, 
as they had long burned with an ardent desire of revenging 
upon Persia the injuries they had received from it, and 
of accomplishing the total destruction of that empire 
20. Philip, therefore, now proposing to lead them to such 
a glorious gratification of their revenge, they readily chose 
him generalissimo of their forces ; and he accordingly began 
to make preparations for invading the dominions of the 
Persian monarch. 

21. Bit while Philip was thus successful in his public 
undertakings, the violent dissensions that reigned in his 
family destroyed all his private peace, and at last brought 



DEATH OF PHILIP. 265 

him to an untimely end. He had married Olym'pias, 
daughter of the king of Epi'rus, and the early part of their 
union was crowned with happiness : but, as she was 
naturally of a peevish and vindictive disposition, a coldness 
first, and afterwards a rooted aversion, took place between 
them. 22. A woman, indeed, of less fiery and vindictive 
oassions, might well have been displeased at his continual 
mfidelity ; and her son Alexan'der not only felt indignant at 
the neglect with which his mother was treated, but saw his 
succession to the throne rendered precarious by the increased 
number of competitors. At the nuptials of Philip with 
Cassan'dra, the daughter of At'talus, one of his favourite 
generals, the father and son came to an open rupture, and 
were never again completely reconciled. 

23. Meantime the preparations for the invasion of Persia 
proceeded, when the dagger of an assassin suddenly deprived 
Macedon of her greatest monarch. For while Philip was 
celebrating the nuptials of his daughter Cleopa'tra, with 
Alexander, king of Epi'rus, and brother to his queen Olym'- 

1 pias, he was suddenly stabbed in the height of the solemnity, 
and in the midst of his guards, by one Pausa'nias, a noble 
Macedonian, whom At'talus, his favourite general, had 
cruelly abused, and who, having repeatedly demanded repa- 
ration of the king in vain, at last turned the edge of his 
resentment from the author of his wrong to his sovereign 
himself, and took this dreadful method of satiating his 
revenge.* 

24. Thus died Philip, a prince possessed of great abilities 
both in peace and war, but much fonder of gaining his ends 
by dexterity and address than by force of arms. His cha- 
racter has been thus drawn by an able historian : " Philip 
of Macedon was by much the most sagacious prince of his 
age. He had a perfect idea of the state of his own country, 
the condition of Greece, and the weakness of the Persian 
empire. He was secret without affecting reserve: eloquent 
without either being ready to speak or vain of speaking ; 
obliging in his deportment as a king, and yet never depart- 
ing from his dignity as a sovereign. In the field he was a 

* The instigator of this rash act is not known ; some say that Pausa'- 
nias was instigated by Olym'pias ; others that he was bribed by the 
Persian king. This latter opinion derives some confirmation from the 
fact of Alexander's having alleged in his declaration of war, that the 
assassination of his father was one of the causes for his invading fhe 
Persian empire. 



2G6 



HISTORY OF GREECE. 




Philip bearing the poor woman's appeal. 

complete general, an expert engineer, and an indefatigable 
soldier. He studied war as an art, and acted as coolly in an 
engagement as at a review. He was learned, and a great 
patron and lover of learning. On the other hand, his 
ambition was boundless ; his treaties always gave way to his 
interest ; he was the most finished dissembler of his time ; 
extremely severe to those who opposed his designs, and 
addicted to vices which bring great disgrace upon his 
memory."* 

25. The news^of his death was a joyful surprise in Greece, 
and particularly at Athens, where the people crowned them- 
selves with garlands, and decreed a crown to Pausa'nias. 
They sacrificed to the gods for their deliverance, and sung 
songs of triumph, as if Philip had been slain by them in 
battle. But this excess of joy very ill became them, because 
it was altogether inconsistent with their late behaviour to 
that prince, for when he M'as chosen generalissimo of the 
Greeks, and still more when he celebrated the nuptials of 
his daughter, the Athenians were the most forward and the 
most fulsome in their compliments to him, and carried their 
adulation so far as almost to exalt him to the rank of a god. 

* There were many fine traits in the character of Philip. It is 
related of him, that on one occasion a poor woman, against whom he 
had just decided a cause when under the influence of wine, exclaimed, 
"I appeal!" "To whom V asked Philip. "To Philip in his sober 
senses !" replied the woman, firmly. The king, struck with this answer, 
examined the affair again, and finding his formci decision unjust, made 
ample reparation at bis own expense. 



BIRTH OF ALEXANDER. 267 

Questions for Examination. 

1. How did Demosthenes succeed at Thebes 1 

2. By what means did Philip endeavour to terrify the allies 1 

3. How did Demosthenes frustrate this ? 

4. Where was the decisive engagement fought ? 

5. In what respect was Philip's army superior to that of the allies 1 

6. How were the armies drawn out at Chaeroneia 1 

7. By whom was the sacred Theban band subdued 1 

8. Were the Athenians at first successful 1 

9. How was this advantage lost 1 

1 0. By what tactics did Philip decide the fate of the day 1 

1 1. What was the loss of the confederates ? 

1 2. Did Philip exhibit any clemency to the defeated anny ] 

1 .1. What different representations are given of Philip's conduct after 
the victory 1 

14 On what conditions was peace granted'? 

15 Is there any strange account of the death of Isocrates ? 

1 6. What become of Lysicles 1 

17. Was Chares put to death 1 

18. Did the people punish Demosthenes for having advised this unfor- 

tunate war ] • 

19 What was the great object of Philip's ambition 1 

20. Did he succeed 1 

21. Had Philip any domestic uneasiness 1 

22. What were the causes of these family quarrels ' 

23. How did Philip die 1 

24. What was his character 1 

25. How was the news received in Greece 7 



CHAPTER XIII. 

FROM THE BIRTH OF ALEXANDER TO HIS DEPARTURE FOR ASIA. 

Far dearer the grave or the prison 

Illumed by one patriot name. 
Than the trophies of all who have risen 

On liberty's ruins to fame. — Moore. 

1. We have now arrived at a period when the Greeks 
united as one people, and under the guidance of a single 
commander, extended their sway over central Asia, and for a 
brief space possessed one of the most splendid empires 
recorded in history. Every thing in the career of Alexande 
is so extraordinary ; the magnitude and rapidity of his con 
quests apparently so far transcend his limited means — his 
political wisdom seeming to have formed plans beyond whai 
should have been expected from the knowledge of the age — 
his valour as a soldier, his skill as a general, his wisdom as 



268 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

a statesman, and even his weaknesses as a man, require us 
to pay more attention to him individually, than is usually 
given to a single person in historical summaries. This, 
indeed, is the more requisite in the present instance, as the 
Grecian history for several years is completely identified 
with the exploits of Alexander, and we shall therefore give 
some account of the education and early life of a monarch 
who is to occupy so great a share of our attention. 
b.c. "> 2. Alexander was born at Pella, on the very day 
356. S that the temple of Diana at Ephesus was burned to 
the ground. Those who interpret omens by subsequent 
events remarked, that the conflagration of the greatest orna- 
ment of Asia symbolized the destruction which at a future 
period he should bring on the Asiatic empires. On the day 
of his birth, Philip received the news of a victory obtained 
by his general Parme'nio over the lllyrians, and of his 
horses having obtained the first prize at the Olympic games. 
These coincidences, in an age of superstition, were sup- 
posed to be certain types of future greatness, and Philip 
took the most efficacious means to ensure their accomplish- 
ment, by giving his son the best possible education. 3. Of 
his progress up to his fifteenth year, nothing certain is 
recorded, but at that age he was placed under the tuition 
of Aristotle, one of the greatest philosophers of antiquity. 
b.c ~) The mutual attachment of the philosopher and pupil 
342. 5 was equally creditable to both ; Aristotle opened to 
his pupil all his vast stores of wisdom, and Alexander availed 
himself of these advantages to the utmost. 4. The poems 
of Homer were, however, the principal objects of his youth- 
ful admiration ; with the character of Achil'les he was more 
peculiarly struck ; he proposed it as an example for his own 
imitation, but unfortunately we shall find that he copied the 
defects as closely as the virtues of that hero. 5. At an 
early age he was introduced by his father into public life ; 
he received the Persian ambassadors when not quite sixteen, 
and astonished them by his pertinent inquiries respecting 
the political condition and revenues of Persia. Soon after 
he was appointed regent of Macedon, while his father was 
besieging Byzan'tium ; two years after he commanded the 
left wing of the Macedonian army at the battle of Chceronej'a, 
and cut down the sacred Theban band * 

* The anecdote !>f Alexander's subduing and managing the *amous 
horse Bucephalus, is familiar to most readers. 



ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER. 269 




managing the horse Bucephalus 



6. Alexander had scarcely completed his twentieth J b.c. 
year when he commenced his reign ; his first care C 336. 
was to punish those who had a share in his father's death ; 
and on this occasion Amyn'tas, who had been set aside to 
make room for Philip, fell a victim either to his revenge, or 
to his policy. 7. The situation of Macedon, though not 
quite so dangerous as at the accession of Philip, was still 
sufficiently difficult to daunt a monarch possessing less 
courage than Alexander. The barbarous nations on the 
south-west and east of Macedon were preparing to renounce 
their subjection, and renew their depredations ; in the south 
a strong party was preparing to maintain the cause of 
Grecian independence ; Sparta was avowedly hostile, Athens 
all but so, and secret conspiracies were forming in other 
states. 8. The first care of Alexander was to have his 
authority acknowledged in Thessaly — the rapidity of his 
march prevented all possibility of opposition, if any such 
were intended — he arrived at Laris'sa, and was at once 
invested with the authority which his father had previously 
possessed. From thence he went to Thermopylae, and was 
received with distinguished honours by the Amphictyonic 
council. He was acknowledged as his father's successor in 
the presidency of the council, and in the government of the 
religious ceremonies. 9. Finally, he proceeded to attend 
the general assembly of deputies from the Grecian states at 
Co'rinth, and was there formally appointed to head the 
forces of the confederacy in the Persian war. The Spar- 
tans, with their usual pride, refused their consent to this 
z2 



270 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

arrangement, but the Athenians were lavish in their expres- 
sions of satisfaction and congratulation. 
b.c. 7 10. Having thus arranged the affairs of southern 
335. 5 Greece, Alexander resolved to march against the fierce 
tribes which threatened Macedon on the north and west. 
He advanced into Thrace, and met with no opposition until 
he reached the chain of Mount Hoemus, now called the 
Balkan, whose defiles, though formidable, have both in 
ancient and modern times yielded to intrepid courage.* 
11. The mountaineers prepared for a vigorous defence ; they 
occupied the summit of the hills which commanded the only 
practicable pass, and fortified themselves behind heavy wa- 
gons, which they determined to roll down upon the invaders. 
Alexander ordered his men to open their ranks when the 
wagons rolled down ; but where that was impracticable, he 
commanded them to throw themselves on the ground, and 
form a kind of penthouse of their shields, so as to permit 
the wagons to roll over them. By this artifice the enemy's 
means of defence were wasted in vain, and the Macedo'- 
nians encouraged by their success attacked the enemies' 
lines, and routed them with great slaughter. 12. He now 
advanced towards the Danube, and having defeated the Tri- 
bal'li, who thought to cut off his rear, came to the river, 
and found the Ge'tae strongly posted on the opposite bank 
Having constructed rafts, he transported across the stream 
in one night, a thousand cavalry, and four thousand infantry. 
The Ge'tae, astonished at this unexpected movement, fled 
without resistance, their town was taken, and the victorious 
army rewarded with abundant spoil. The other tribes north 
of the Danube submitted to the conqueror, and Alexander, 
having secured his dominions on that side, prepared to march 
against the western Illy'rians. 

13. This expedition was equally successful with the 
former ; the Macedonians, indeed, at first suflfered some 
checks ; but the barbarians, instead of pursuing their advan- 
tages, gave themselves up to riot and debauchery. Alexander 
took advantage of their carelessness, attacked them when 
they were off their guard, and obtained a decisive victory. 
So complete was the overthrow of the Illyrians, that they 
never ventured on a new insurrection during the entire of 
his reign. 

* They were forced by the Russian general, Count Diebitsch, in the 
rate Turkish war. 



DESTRUCTION OF THEBES. 271 

14. Unexpected news from southern Greece caller 
Alexander to a new scene of action. The Thebans, anxious 
to recover their freedom, had revolted, and after having 
massacred part of the Macedonian garrison, were closely 
besieging the remainder in the citadel. Alexander saw that 
if he wished to retain the supremacy of Greece which his 
father had acquired with so much difficulty, no time was to be 
lost. 15. He traversed the intervening country with so much 
rapidity, that he was the first herald of his own approach, 
and the Thebans could scarce credit the intelligence, that 
Alexander, whom they believed still in Illyria, was already 
within sight of their walls. The Athenians who had 
encouraged the revolt were not yet in arms, the Arca'dian 
auxiliaries had scarcely commenced their march ; the The- 
bans found themselves obliged to bear the brunt of the war 
alone, and relying on the strength of their walls, they obsti- 
nately refused all offers of accommodation. 

16. An accident revealed to one of the Macedonian 
generals a weak part of the Theban fortifications ; without 
waiting for orders he commenced an assault, and in the 
midst of the contest, the garrison of the citadel attacked the 
Thebans in the rear, and threw open one of the gates to 
their countrymen. 17. The horrors perpetrated at the 
storming of Thebes have been rarely paralleled in the 
annals of war ; we have seen in the course of this history, 
that the Thebans were cruel victors — they now met a fearful 
retribution ; in the ranks of the Macedonian army were 
Phocians, Thespians, and Plataeans, whose native countries 
had been ruthlessly destroyed — they felt that the hour of 
vengeance was come, and they abused it to the utmost. 
18. After the slaughter had ceased, the fate of Thebes was 
debated in the council of the Macedonian confederates — it 
was determined that the city should be levelled with the 
ground, and all the citizens sold into slavery. The princi- 
pal opponents of the war were exempted from this decree, 
as were also the descendants of the poet Pindar, whose odes 
Alexander enthusiastically admired. 

19. The Theban cavalry escaped to Athens, and filled 
that city with dismay. The Athenians, conscious of having 
participated in the revolt of the Thebans, naturally dreaded 
that they would be the next victims of the young monarch's 
eseniment. 20. Their first step was to send ambassadors 
to congratulate Alexander on his late successes, but as these 
were selected from the anti-Macedo'nian party, Alexander 



Z72 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

refused to admit them into his presence. Another deputa- 
tion was sent, which met with better success — Alexander 
offered peace to the Athenians, on condition that eight of the 
leading orators and two of the generals should be given up, 
to take their trial as common enemies of Grecian tranquil- 
lity. 21. Demos'thenes, whose name was in the fatal list, 
dissuaded his countrymen from acceding to these terms, by 
the well-known fable of the wolves that offered peace to the 
sheep, on condition of their banishing the guardian dogs. A 
new embassy was sent to solicit better terms, and Alexan- 
der, desirous to efface the remembrance of the cruelties he 
had practised at Thessaly, by his present clemency, with- 
drew the obnoxious demand. He only insisted on the 
banishment of Charide'mus, whom he suspected of having 
been an accomplice in his father's murder ; and this Athenian 
general was permitted to retire into Persia. 

22. The troubles in Greece being thus brought to a close, 
Alexander was left at liberty to prepare for the great object 
of his ambition, the invasion of Persia. Though that 
empire had fallen from the height of power which it pos- 
sessed in the reign of Cyrus the Great, or even in the time 
of Xerxes, it still possessed immense resources both in men 
and money. All the countries from the eastern shores of 
the Mediterranean to the borders of India, and from the 
coasts of the Caspian to those of the ocean, were subject to 
the Persian king ; Egypt had been lately reunited to the 
empire, and several insurgent provinces brought back to 
their allegiance. The treasury was full, the army recruited 
oy numerous bodies of Grecian mercenaries, and the sove- 
reign more popular among his subjects than any of his pre- 
decessors had been. 23. On the other hand, Alexander 
was miserably deficient in pecuniary resources ; the state 
was heavily sunk in debt, and he had to mortgage all the 
royal domains for eight hundred talents, before he could 
venture to begin his march. His entire army, including the 
allies, amounted only to about thirty thousand foot, and five 
thousand cavalry, — a force scarcely sufficient to garrison a 
Persian province, but which, however, was destined to sub- 
vert that powerful empire. 

24. The government of Macedon was intrusted to Anti- 
pater, and a body of twelve thousand men placed under his 
command, for in addition to all his other disadvantages, 
Alexander was exposed to the danger of & new insurrection 
in Greece during his absence. 






CONQUEST OF WESTERN ASIA. 273 

Questions for Examination. 

1 . Why is the personal character of Alexander worthy of particula 

notice 1 

2. Are there any remarkable circumstances connected with the day ol 

his birth? 

3. By whom was the education of Alexander conducted 1 

4. What author was the principal favourite of the youthful liero 1 

5. Did Alexander commence public life at an early age ] 

6. How did Alexander begin his reign 1 

7. To what dangers was the young monarch exposed 1 

8. How was Alexander received in Thessaly ? 

9. In what manner was he treated by the assembly at Corinth ? 

10. Against what enemies did he next march 1 

11. How did the Macedonians effect the passage of Mount Humus'? 

12. In what manner did Alexander subdue the Getae 1 

13. How were the Illyrians conquered 1 ? 

14. What events compelled Alexander to return speedily into southern 

Greece ] 

15. Did Alexander make a rapid march'? 

1 6. What led to the sudden capture of Thebes 1 

17. Was there much severity shown to the conquered Thebans! 

18. Were any of the Thebans spared 1 

19. How were the Athenians affected by this news'? 

20. What demand did Alexander make of the Athenians ? 

21. How was this demand avoided? 

22. What was the condition of Persia at the time of the Macedonian 

invasion 1 

23. Had Alexander forces equal to those of Persia 1 

24. Who was left behind as governor of Macedon 1 



CHAPTER XIV. 

FROM THE INVASION OF ASIA TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER, 

SECTION I. 

CONQUEST OF WESTERN ASIA. 

Can none remember 1 Yes ; I'm sure all must, 

Where glory like a dazzling eagle stood 

Perched on my banner in the Granic flood. — Lee s Alexander. 

1. When Alexander had completed all his prepa- C b.c. 
rations, he ordered his fleet to await his arrival in C 334. 
the Hellespont, while he marched with the army into the 
Thr'acian Cher'sonese. From thence his forces were trans- 
ported across the strait to the plains of Troy, withou* 
encountering any opposition from the Persian navy, JiougJ 



274 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

it far exceeded the Macedo'nian in strength, and mighl 
easily have opposed, if not totally prevented his landing. 
2. Alexander was the first that leaped on shore, and finding 
himself in the fields immortalized by his favourite poet, he 
ordered games and sacrifices to be performed in honour of 
the Homeric heroes. 3. The Persian satraps having re- 
covered from their surprise, began to concentrate their forces 
at Relei'a, a city on the Pro'pontis, but there was little 
unity and little wisdom in their councils ; they were not 
subject to a single head, and mutual jealousy prevented them 
from agreeing on the choice of a commander. 4. Memnon 
the brother of Mentor, whom we mentioned in the former 
chapter, advised that the country should be laid waste, and 
the Macedo'nians forced back by hunger, but Arsi'les, the 
governor of Phryg'ia, refused to allow such devastation in 
a province that he commanded. After much delay, they 
resolved to contest the passage of the Gran'icus, a river of 
some magnitude flowing from the chain of mount I'da into 
the Propon'tis. 

5. Alexander on- the first news of the enemies' appear- 
ance had marched against them ; and when his scouts 
announced their vicinity and position, immediately prepared 
to force a passage. Parme'nio, daunted by the danger of 
fording a river in the very teeth of superior forces, vainly 
endeavoured to dissuade his sovereign from the attempt, but 
Alexander, justly deeming that the very hardihood of the 
assault would terrify the Persians, immediately formed his 
order of battle. 6. Placing himself at the head of the 
Companion-cavalry, as the royal guards were called, he gave 
the word, and Ptolemy at the head of the right wing dashed 
into the river. They were met on the opposite bank by 
Memnon with the flower of the Persian cavalry, who forced 
Ptolemy back on Alexander's own brigade. The young king 
immediately dashed forward with the Companions on the 
thickest of Memnon's squadrons, and soon cleared a space 
for the other troops. 7. The struggle was now fierce and 
stern, resembling rather the personal encounters in the age 
of chivalry, than a regular pitched battle. The Macedo'nian 
cavalry were heavily armed, the Persian forces principally 
consisted of light horse, and consequently the latter were 
soon borne down by the superior weight of the hostile squa- 
drons. 8. Alexander's personal bravery was very con- 
spicuous in this battle ; he slew two of the Persian leaders 
with his own hand : but while thus engaged he would have 



CONQUEST OF WESTERN ASIA. 275 




Commencement of the battle of the Granicus. 



fallen beneath the cimeter of Spithrida'tes, had not Clei'tus, 
a captain of the Companions, cut off the satrap's hand as it 
was descending with the fatal blow. 9. The left wing of the 
Persians was soon broken, and shortly after their right was 
driven in by Parme'nio ; a sudden panic seized their lines, 
and they fled before the phalanx could advance to the attack 
of the centre. The Grecian mercenaries in Persian pay 
were thus deserted, and almost totally cut to pieces by the 
Macedonians, who looked upon them as traitors to their 
country. This was a glorious but not a bloody victory. 
The loss of the Macedonians did not exceed two hundred 
men, and the Persians could not have suffered severely, as 
there was no pursuit. 10. Alexander honourably interred 
the fallen, and gave orders that the statues of the twenty-five 
Companions who were slain should be cast in bronze by 
Lysippus, the most celebrated sculptor of the age. These 
statues were set up at Di'um, in Macedo'nia, from whence 
they were many years after removed to Rome. 

11. The battle of the Gran'icus was followed by the sub- 
mission of many of the most important provinces in Asia 
Minor ; Sar'dis, the capital of Lydia, with all its treasures, 
was surrendered at the first summons, even though its cita- 
del was impregnable ; Ephesus acknowledged the authority 
of Alexander, and so many powerful cities were yielded up, 
that it is hard to acquit the governors of treachery. Mile'- 
tus was the only Ionian city that ventured on resistance, but 
it was soon taken by storm, and the greater part of the gar- 
rison put to the sword. 



276 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

12. Darius, on receiving the news of his army's defeat at 
the Gran'icus, appointed Memnon his lieutenant-general in 
Asia Minor, and this able leader took vigorous measures to 
oppose the farther progress of Alexander. But being badly- 
seconded by the other satraps, he was unable to interpose 
any effectual check, and Alexander made himself master of 
all the coasts of the iEgei'an sea. 13. On the approach 
of winter, leave ef absence was given to all the lately-married 
Macedonians to visit their families ; and they on their return 
spread the fame of their victories through all Greece. 
Alexander did not spend the winter in idleness, he extended 
his conquests over several minor provinces, arranged the 
government of those already subdued, and removed his 
head-quarters to Gor'dium, a central city of Lesser Asia, 
conveniently situated for opening the next campaign, in any 
direction that might be deemed most advisable. 

14. Gor'dium was celebrated as the residence of the opu- 
lent Midas, and the line of Phrygian kings descended from 
him. In the citadel was preserved the cart of Gor'dius, the 
father of Midas, the yoke of which was fastened to the pole 
by a strip of bark, tied in a complicated knot. Ancient tra- 
dition had declared, that whoever could unravel that knot 
should be lord of Asia, and Alexander hastened to accom- 
plish the omen. 15. How the king effected his purpose is 
uncertain, some say that he cut the knot with his sword, 
others that he really solved the difficulty — certain it is that 
all, from henceforward, believed him to have fulfilled the 
conditions of the oracle, and to be consequently the destined 
lord of Asia. 

b.c. 7 16. Alexander opened the next campaign by in- 
333. j vading Paphlago'nia and Cappado'cia, both of which 
provinces were easily subdued. From thence he proceeded 
southwards to Cili'cia, through the difficult passes of Mount 
Taurus. On his road he learned that the satrap of Cili'cia 
was about to adopt the line of defence recommended by 
Memnon, and devastate the country. By a rapid march this 
plan was disconcerted, and the Macedonian army reached 
Tar'sus before there was time for its destruction. 17. The 
fatigue of this rapid march and the heat of the weather over- 
powered the young king; hoping to refresh himself, he 
imprudently plunged into the cold stream of the Cyd'nus, 
and was instantaneously seized with violent fever, which 
threatened fatal consequences. — 18. While suffering under 
this disease, Alexander exhibited a noble example ol intrepid 



CONQUEST OF WESTERN ASIA. 277 

sourage and generous confidence. He received a letter 
denouncing his physician Philip as a traitor, who had been 
bribed to take him off by poison, at the very moment that 
the physician stood by his bed-side with a medicinal draught. 
The king presenting the letter to Philip, unhesitatingly 
drank off the potion ; his confidence was amply repaid, for 
the medicine brought about a favourable change, and in a 
short time he was restored to his anxious army. 

19. Soon after this the Greeks heard the news of Mem- 
non's death ; he appears to have been far the most able of 
the satraps, and had he lived might probably have altered 
the destiny of Asia. He died at the very moment that he 
was about to stir up the states in southern Greece, to renew 
the war against Macedon, and thus recall Alexander to the 
defence of his own country ; his plans died with him, for 
the other officers of Darius were equally destitute of courage 
and ability. 

20. From Cili'cia, Alexander was advancing along the 
sea coast into Syria, when the news reached him that his 
great rival Dari'us had advanced to meet him, and was 
already at Is'sus, in his rear. The advance of the Persian 
into the rugged and difficult country on the borders of 
Syria, had been severely condemned by the Athenian exile 
Charide'mus, and Dari'us, so far from feeling grateful to 
his monitor, ordered him to be put to death. 21. But his 
avenger was at hand ; Alexander no sooner heard of the 
advance of Dari'us, than he retraced his steps, and nothing 
daunted by the overwhelming superiority of the Persians, 
boldly prepared for action. 22. The army of Dari'us was 
drawn up at the base of a mountain-chain skirted by the 
little river Pin'arus ; the wings were composed of native 
Persians, but the centre was formed of Greek mercenaries 
men not inferior to the Macedo'nians in valour or discipline. 
23. The battle commenced by Alexander's leading his right 
wing across the stream, and charging the Persians on the 
opposite bank ; they fell back on the body-guard of the 
Persian king, called the Immortals, and the fight was 
renewed with fresh vigour ; at length these too were broken, 
and the triumph of the right wing was complete. 24. But 
the left and centre were not equally fortunate. The Greek 
mercenaries broke through the serried lines of the phalanx, 
and the Persian cavalry not waiting to be attacked, had 
crossed the river, and fallen on the Thessalian horse. 
Alexander with his victorious band fell on the flank of the 

2 A 



278 HiSTOItY OF GREECE. 

Greek mercenaries, at the ?ery moment when their success 
was all but certain, and soon threw their lines into confusion : 
at the same time, the infantry on the left pressing forward 
defeated tne opposing Persians, and the cowardice of Dari'us 
completed the rout. 25. He fled from the field with so 
much rapidity, that his chariot, bow, and royal mantle, fell 
into the hands of the victors, and his army, as is usual with 
Asiatics, imitated his example. Even the cavalry, though 
partially successful, turned their horses when they heard of 
their prince's flight, and hurrying through the crowded de- 
files, trampled down their unfortunate comrades. 26. Ten 
thousand Persian horse, and one hundred thousand foot, are 
said to have fallen in this fatal field , and when we consider 
the difficulties that impeded their flight, the number can 
scarcely appear an exaggeration. The Persian camp, with 
all its enormous wealth, was the immediate result of this 
victory. Among the captives were the mother, queen, and 
daughters of Dari'us, whom Alexander treated with the 
greatest kindness and generosity.* 

27. The greater part of Syr'ia and Phce'nicia submitted 

* The generosity of Alexander to the royal prisoners is one of the 
most honourable traits in his character. Having heard their lamenta- 
tions on receiving a false account of the death of Darius, he immediately 
sent Leona / tus, one of his principal officers, to undeceive them ; ana 
next day he himself paid them a visit, when he did every thing in his 
power to comfort and solace them. On his entering their apartment 
with Hepha?stion, his favourite friend, Sysigambis fell at the feet of the 
latter, mistaking him for the king : some of the attendants, however 
having by signs pointed out her error, she, greatly confused, hastened 
to pay her respecta to Alexander. Taking her by the hand, and raising 
her up, he kindly endeavoured to soothe her agitation, by saying, " Do 
not be uneasy, mother; you were not in the wrong, for he too is an 
Alexander." He told them, that no part of their former state should 
be withheld from them ; but that they should enjoy every convenience 
and accommodation, as in the court of Darius. Observing the infant 
son of Darius standing by his mother, he took him in his arms. The 
child, without discovering the least sign of terror, stretched out his arms 
to the conqueror, who, being affected with its confidence, said to He- 
phses'tion who attended him, " Oh ! that Darius had some share, some 
portion of this infant's generosity." That he might prevent every sus- 
picion of design on the chastity of Darius's consort, and at the same 
time remove every cause of fear or anxiety from her mind, he resolved 
never to visit her tent more, although she was one of the most beautiful 
women of her time. This moderation, so becoming in a royal conqueror, 
gave occasion to that noted observation of Plutarch, " That the princesses 
of Persia lived in an enemy's camp, as if they had been in some sacred 
*» mple, unseen, unappioached, and unmolested." 



CONQUEST OF WESTERN ASIA. 279 




Alexander visiting the family of Darius. 

to Alexander after his victory at Issus, and immense treasures 
were either betrayed by their guides or captured by the 
Thessalian cavalry. 28. The Tyr'ians sent ambassadors, 
offering submission ; but when Alexander demanded that 
they should admit him into the city, under pretence of offer- 
ing sacrifices to the Tyr'ian Hercules, (supposed to be the 
Moloch of Scripture,) the citizens, justly suspicious of his 
designs, returned a flat refusal, and relying on the security 
of their situation, set him at defiance. Preparations were 
immediately made to besiege the town, and Alexander had 
now to undertake a task far more difficult than any in which 
he had been hitherto engaged. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What favourable opportunity of checking the Macedonian Invasion 

did the Persians neglect 1 

2. Where did Alexander land? 

3. Where did the Persians begin to concentrate their forces'? 

4. Did they agree in their councils 1 

5. How did Alexander resolve to act when he learned the position of 

the Persian army 1 

6. In what manner did the battle of the Granicus commence ? 

7. For what was this battle remarkable 1 

8. Did Alexander expose himself to any personal danger 1 

9. How was the fate of the day decided 1 

10. How did Alexander honour the soldiers that fell 1 

11. What were the consequences of the battle of the Granicus 

1 2. To whom did Darius intrust the command of his forces 1 

1 3. How did Alexander spend his first winter in Asia 1 

14. For what was Gordium remarkable" 



280 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

15. What stories are related of Alexander and the Gordian knot? 

16. How was the second campaign in Asia opened? 

1 7. What danger did Alexander encounter from imprudent bathing ? 

18. Did he exhibit any remarkable instance of intrepidity during h*ar 

illness ? 

19. Whose death at this time was a great loss to the Persians ? 

20. What imprudent measures did Darius take ? 

21. How did Alexander behave when he learned his rival's approach? 

22. In what manner was the Persian army drawn out ? 

23. How did the battle begin ? 

24. In what manner did Alexander behave in this fight ? 

25. Why was the cowardice of Darius fatal to the Persians ? 

26. What were the results of the victory at Issus ? 

27. Did any provinces submit in consequence ? 

28. How did the Tyrians provoke Alexander ? 



SECTION II. 



CONQUEST OF TYRE, EGYPT, AND CENTRAL ASIA. 

The Bpear-point pierces and the sabre cleaveg, 
And human lives are lavished everywhere. — Byron. 

1. The Phoenicians were the first people who cultivated 
commerce ; at an age when Greece was still possessed only 
by barbarous tribes of hunters and shepherds, the Phoenician 
mariners had visited all the coasts of the Mediterranean, 
and had even ventured into the Atlantic ocean. Sidon was 
at first their capital, but it was soon eclipsed by the rising 
greatness of Tyre, which, even before the Trojan war, had 
become the great emporium of all commerce between Asia 
and Europe. In the emphatic language of the prophet 
Isaiah, she was " the crowning city whose merchants were 
princes, and whose traffickers were the honourable of the 
earth." The shores of Africa, Sicily, and Spain, were 
colonized by Tyrian settlers, united to the parent state by a 
community of religious rites ; for the temple of the Tyrian 
Hercules was to the Phoenicians what Delphi was to the 
Greeks, the great sanctuary of the nation. 2. Old Tyre 
stood on the sea-coast, but having been taken by Nebuchad 
nezzar, it was deserted by the citizens, and a new town 
erected on an island separated from the shore by a narrow 
strait, about half a mile in breadth. As the island was small 
it was easily fortified, and for the same reason the population 
was greatly crowded — the walls were wide and lofty, their 
foundations secured by buttresses projecting into the sea, 
and on the battlements were numerous soldiers, supplied 



SIEGE OF TYRE. 281 

with every munition of war that wealth could purchase. 
3. Such was the city which Alexander undertook to besiege, 
though he had not at the time a fleet to blockade its har- 
bours, or protect his soldiers in their operations. 

4. His first attempt was to run out a causeway from Old 
Tyre to the walls ; but this was soon found to be a work of 
infinite toil ; and when the mound had advanced a little, the 
Tyrian galleys attacked the workmen in flank, and com- 
mitted fearful havoc. 5. Soon after the garrison sent out a 
fire-ship, and placed it beside the mound, while their 
vessels attacked the soldiers and workmen. The assault 
was successful, the Macedonians, blinded by the smoke, 
and confused by the attacks on their flanks, fell back in con- 
fusion, and in a few minutes the mole with all its engines 
was destroyed. 6. It now became manifest, that without 
the assistance of a fleet Tyre could never be taken, and 
Alexander was fortunate enough to be joined by the navies 
of Phoenicia and Cy'prus at the critical moment. The 
Tyrian galleys were forced to take refuge in their har- 
bours, a new and wider mole was commenced, which the 
workmen, now protected by their fleet, pushed on with 
great vigour, and detachments sent out in rafts attacked the 
city walls in every quarter where there seemed any possi- 
bility of effecting a breach. 7. On the other hand the 
Tyrians made incredible efforts to protract their defence, 
they caught some of the besiegers with grappling irons, and 
dragged them within the walls; others they overwhelmed 
with stones and beams darted from their engines, but their 
most formidable means of annoyance was showers of heated 
sand, which, penetrating through the chinks of the armour, 
burned to the very bone. 

8. At length a breach was made in the southern C b.c. 
wall, and orders were given to prepare for the assault. C 332. 
The siege had now lasted about six months ; the army of 
Alexander, accustomed to rapid conquest, were enraged at 
the wearying delay caused by the obstinacy of the Tyrians, 
and w r ere besides eager to avenge the murder of some of 
their brethren, who, having been accidentally taken prison- 
ers, were barbarously put to death on the walls, in sight of 
the besiegers. 9. The fleet was divided into three squa- 
drons, two attacked the Tyrian harbours, the third came to 
anchor opposite the breach, and throwing out moveable 
bridges, made a way for the storming-par-ty. The Tyrians 
in the last moment of their struggle bravely maintained 
2 a 2 



282 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

their former fame ; but nothing could withstand the ardour 
of Alexander ; the towers next the breach and a part of the 
wall were secured, while at the same time the principal har- 
bour was forced by the Phoenician fleet. 10. The city was 
" taken, but not rendered ;" from house to house, and from 
street to street, every inch of ground was disputed, mercy 
was neither asked for nor given, until the greater part of 
the garrison had fallen. The surviving citizens with their 
wives and children were sold into slavery, except a few that 
had taken refuge in the temple of the Tyrian Hercules, and 
owed their safety to the sanctity of the place. 

11. During the siege, Alexander received an embassy 
from Dari'us, offering him his daughter in marriage, and the 
western provinces of Asia as her dowry. Parme'nio, 
seduced by the magnitude of the offer, eagerly pressed its 
acceptance. " Were I Alexander," said he, " I would 
accept such terms." " So would I," replied Alexander, 
" were I Parme'nio." In conclusion he dismissed the am- 
bassadors, declaring that he would not accept half of the 
empire of Asia, when fate had destined him to possess the 
entire. 

12. From Phoenicia, Alexander marched to Palestine, and 
found no town resist his progress but Ga'za, which was 
bravely defended by Ba'tis the governor. The town was 
finally taken by storm, and the garrison refusing quarter, 
put to the sword. 13. The Jews having adhered faithfully 
to the Persian cause, dreaded the resentment of the con- 
queror, and sent a deputation to solicit pardon, which was 
readily granted. According to Jose'phus, the Jewish his- 
torian, Jaddu'a, the high priest, went to meet Alexander in 
his sacred robes, and the Macedonian monarch no sooner 
beheld him approach, than he prostrated himself in adora- 
tion of the holy name inscribed on the priest's diadem. 
When the astonished nobles asked the cause of this reve- 
rence, Alexander replied, that such a person had appeared to 
him in a vision before he left Mace'don, and invited him to 
undertake the conquest of Asia. Jaddu'a still further won 
the favour of Alexander, by pointing out to him those 
passages in the book of Daniel,* where his conquest of 
Persia is distinctly foretold. Such is the narrative of Jose'- 
phus, but doubts of its truth have been entertained by many 
historians. 

14. Egypt next attracted the attention of Alexander, and 
* Daniel, chap. viii. 



CONGEST OF CENTRAL ASIA. 233 

thither he led his victorious army ; but the Egyptians had 
never been very faithful subjects of the Persians, by whom 
their country had been oppressed, and their religion insulted. 
They, therefore, readily submitted to Alexander, and this 
important country was acquired without the loss of a single 
man, or the shedding of one drop of blood. 15. Ever 
anxious to forward the interests of commerce, Alexander 
selected the site of Alexandrei'a as the best place for a com- 
mercial city — the wisdom of the choice soon appeared, for 
the new city in a very few years became one of the most 
prosperous commercial marts in the world. 

16. The fame of the temple of Ju'piter Amnion, situated 
in an oasis of the great desert, induced Alexander to pay this 
celebrated oracle a visit. He passed without loss through 
that celebrated desert, where the army of Cambyses had 
miserably perished, and arrived safe at this wonderful spot. 4 
17. The Macedonians were astonished at beholding the ferti- 
lity of the Ammo'nian oasis, which seemed like a green island 
in the sandy ocean, and this admiration led them more readily 
to believe the strange stories related of its wonders by the 
Egyptian priests. Having visited the shrine and oracle, 
Alexander returned across the desert to Memphis, and hav- 
ing provided for the future government of Egypt, brought 
his army back to Syria. 

18. Early in the ensuing spring Alexander prepared r b.c. 
to lead his army against Dari'us, but was delayed some \ 331. 
time by the necessity of quelling some disturbances in Greece, 
and providing for the security of the conquered provinces. 
19. It was the beginning of July when he crossed the 
Euphrates into Mesopota'mia, and he remained in that pro- 
vince until the latter end of September, when he passed over 
the Tigris into Assyria. Here he received news of the 
vicinity of Dari'us, with an army composed of all the nations 
of the East. 20. Dari'us having left all his baggage at 
Arbe'la, led his army over the river Ly'cus, in order that 
they might fight the more desperately, when they knew that 
their retreat was cut off. His forces are said to have ex- 
ceeded a million, and he had besides elephants and chariots 
armed with scythes, which, being strange to the Greeks, 
were likely to fill them with terror. But this army was 
after all an inert mass, without spirit or energy ; ready to 
fight indeed for their sovereign, but as ready to fly when he 
fell or retreated. 

* See Hist. Miscel. Part I. Chap. IV. 



284 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

21. Alexander halted four days to refresh his army, and 
on the fifth advanced against the enemy — but having mis- 
calculated the distance, he came in sight of the enemy at 
too late an hour, and both armies spent the night on the field 
of battle. 22. The Macedonians not being formed in line, 
were permitted to sleep, but Dari'us fearing that if his ranks 
were disturbed, it would be impossible to reorganize such a 
mighty host, compelled his men to stand to their arms all 
night. 

23. Alexander having with a few friends taken a survey of 
the Persian position, returned tranquilly to his tent. Dur- 
ing the night Parme'nio wished him to take advantage of the 
darkness, and attack the Persians immediately ; but Alexan- 
der declared that it was inconsistent with his honour to steal 
a victory. So sure indeed was he of success, that he slept 
to a later hour in the morning than he had been accustomed, 
and the army was already drawn out, when he was roused 
by his attendants. 

24. The battle of Arbela was won by the knowledge of 
that secret which Cyrus the younger had betrayed to the 
Greeks. To destroy the king and lower the royal standard 
was certain victory, for the Asiatics, both in ancient and 
modern times, immediately disperse when these events hap- 
pen. Alexander consequently resolved to direct all his 
efforts against the left centre, where Dari'us himself was 
posted ; but in making such an attack he manifestly exposed 
himself to be outflanked and taken in the rear by the extend- 
ed wings of the enemy, and he, therefore, posted some light 
troops, both horse and foot, on his flanks. 25. The battle 
commenced by the charge of the Scythian cavalry, and the 
war-chariots on the Macedo'nian right wing ; after a brief 
but fierce struggle they were driven back, and Dari'us imme- 
diately ordered his lines to advance. 26. The eagle eye of 
Alexander saw that an opportunity of executing his design 
was thus afforded. He rapidly wheeled his line into close 
column, and breaking in between the left wing of the enemy 
and their centre, attacked the latter in flank. 27. This 
unexpected movement threw the Persians into complete dis- 
array, the cavalry endeavouring to wheel about got entangled 
in the infantry, and the whole centre was soon a shapeless 
mass of confusion. Dari'us, after a weak effort to rally his 
men, fled with precipitation, but he would scarcely have 
escaped had not the danger to which the rest of his forces 
were exposed, called Alexander to a different part of the 






CONQUEST OF CENTRAL ASIA. 235 

field. 28. The left wing .under Parme'nio was severely 
handled by the Persian right, and was in danger of destruc- 
tion, when Alexander galloped to its assistance with the 
Companion cavalry. But the news of the king's flight had 
by this time spread through the field, and Alexander found 
the Persians on his arrival in full retreat. The pursuit was 
therefore renewed, and Alexander persevered in it with so 
much ardour, that he arrived the next day at Arbe'la, forty 
miles from the field of battle. 

29. The loss of both armies in this battle has been va- 
riously estimated ; the account of Diodorus appears however 
to be the most probable ; he says that the Persians lost 
ninety thousand, and the Macedo'nians about five hundred 
men. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What were the causes of the greatness of Tyre 1 

2. How was the city situated 1 

3. Was Alexander well prepared for this siege 1 

4. What was the first labour of the Macedonians 7 

5. How was their labour frustrated 1 

6. What necessary reinforcement did Alexander soon after receive 1 

7. Were the Tyrians daunted by the Macedonian exertions ? 

8. Why were the Macedonians peculiarly eager to destroy the Tyrians 7 

9. How was the city taken 1 

10. Was the defence desperate 1 

1 1. What offers of peace did Darius make, and how were they received 1 

12. Was any other city soon after taken by storm 1 

13. What account is given of the interview between Alexander and the 

Jewish high priest 1 

14. How was Egypt easily subdued ? 

15. What city did Alexander found in that country 1 

16. To what celebrated temple did Alexander proceed ? 

17. For what was the Ammonian oasis remarkable 1 

18. What delayed the opening of the next campaign 1 

19. How long did Alexander remain in Mesopotamia 1 

20. Where and how was the army of Darius posted 1 

21. Did the two armies immediately engage 1 ? 

22. How did the two armies spend the night before the battle ? 

23. How did Alexander show that he was sure of victory ? 

24. On what arrangements did Alexander rely for success 1 

25. How did the battle begin 1 

26. Of what opportunity did Alexander avail himself? 

27. What was the result of this movement 1 

28. How was the battle finally won ] 

29. What were the losses of both armies ] 



286 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

SECTION III. 

DEATH OF DARIUS — OVERTHROW OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. 

Deserted ai his utmost need 

By those his Cornier bounty fed. 

On the bare earth exposed he lies 

Without a friend to close his eyes. — Dryden. 

1. The unfortunate Dari'us fled with a small escort from 
the field of battle over the mountains ; he had no reason to 
dread a very vigorous pursuit in that direction, as neither he 
nor Alexander could have expected that the important cities 
of Su'sa and Bab'ylon would have been resigned without a 
struggle, and their riches and importance would naturally 
claim the first attention of the victor. 2. The satraps both 
of Babylo'nia and Susia'na however met Alexander on his 
march, and tendered their submission ; the enormous trea- 
sures which the monarchs of Persia had been for centuries 
accumulating at Su'sa were seized by the conqueror, and 
among other curiosities found there the statues of Harmo'- 
dius and Aristogei'ton, which Xerxes had brought from 
Athens. These Alexander sent back to the Athenians, 
and transmitted at the same time large sums of money, 
to purchase the tranquillity of the Grecian states. 3. The 
Babylo'nians gladly submitted to a change of masters : 
their city, once the greatest in the world, had fallen into 
gradual decay under the dominion of Persia, and they 
hoped that it would once again become the seat of empire 
under a new dynasty. 4. Having provided for the security 
of these provinces, Alexander next advanced into Persia 
Proper, through those mountains which have been in all 
ages the favourite haunt of robber-hordes. Even the kings 
of Persia were forced to pay tribute to these fierce moun- 
taineers, when passing from Su'sa to Persepolis. But 
Alexander was too confident in his own resources to pur- 
chase the forbearance of these plunderers ; he refused to pay 
the customary tribute ; and when the mountaineers attempt- 
ed to impede his march, he attacked them unawares, and 
routed them with great slaughter. 5. The Persians, under 
the command of Ariobarza'nes, made one vigorous effort 
to defend their native land. They posted themselves in a 
mountainous defile, through which the entrance to Persia 
lay, and repulsed the army of Alexander when an attempt 
was made to force a passage. 6. But a circumstance simi- 
lar to that which enabled the Persians to force Thermop'yloe 
now gave the victory to the Greeks ; some deserters showed 



DEATH OF DARIUS. 287 

Alexander a secret path over the mountains, and he was thus 
enabled to attack the enemy in the rear. Assailed at once 
on both sides, surprised and confounded, the army of Ario- 
barza'nes made a very weak resistance, and the Macedonian 
army having once passed the denies, found no other enemies 
to impede their course. 7. Persep'olis was taken without 
a blow, and given up to be plundered ; it was afterwards 
burnt to the ground, in revenge for the cruelties practised 
by the Persians in Greece ; or as most authors say, at the 
instigation of Tha'is, an Athenian courtesan, who accompa- 
nied Alexander. 8. The winter was spent in completing 
the conquest of Persia, and reducing to obedience the Tartar 
tribes that border on that country. 

9. The Macedonians were again called into ac- C b.c. 
tive service, by the news of a large army of Scyth'i- c 330. 
ans and other barbarous tribes having joined Dari'us. This, 
however, was false ; that monarch now completely despaired 
of success, and only sought for a retreat in some distant 
province with the relics of his treasure. 10. Alexander 
immediately commenced a vigorous pursuit, but Dari'us had 
escaped through the passes of the mountains that skirt the 
Caspian sea, before he could be overtaken. After a short 
delay to refresh his forces, the Macedonian monarch re- 
newed the chase with redoubled vigour, having received 
intelligence that changed his hostility into pity of his former 
rival. 11. The satraps, under the guidance of Bes'sus, the 
governor of Bactria, had deposed their unfortunate sovereign, 
and were hurrying him off a close prisoner to some distant 
retreat. Alexander, eager to rescue the unhappy prince 
from these traitors, redoubled his diligence, and after a 
fatiguing chase overtook the army of Bes'sus. 12. The 
satraps, though their army was far superior in number, did 
not make any attempt to resist the Macedonians ; their 
only aim was to secure their safety by flight, and finding 
that their speed was retarded by their royal prisoner, they 
wounded him mortally and left him to expire by the road 
side. Dari'us was in the last agony of death when a Ma 
cedo'nian soldier came up, and brought him a little water to 
cool his raging thirst ; he expressed great anxiety to see his 
generous conqueror, and thank him in person for the kind- 
ness that had been shown to his mother and family, but 
before Alexander came up, he expired. 13. Thus fell the 
sovereign of Asia, after having in the space of three years 
fallen from the summit of greatness to the condition of a 



288 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

wretched fugitive, and finally to that of a miserable captive 
among cruel traitors. To the charity of a private soldier 
he was indebted for a cup of water in his last moments, a 
melancholy example of human vicissitudes. His generous 
rival honoured his remains with a magnificent funeral, treated 
his family with all the respect due to their illustrious birth, 
and finally married one of his daughters. 14. Most of the 
traitors were afterwards taken and given up by Alexander to 
the surviving relatives of Dari'us, who, after the custom of 
the East, put them to death by the most cruel tortures. 

15. The remainder of this campaign was spent in sub- 
duing the northern provinces of Persia, and receiving the 
submission of the Greek mercenaries who had been in the 
pay of Dari'us, and appear to have been the only part of 
his forces on which any reliance could be placed. Those 
who had joined the Persians before the appointment of Alex- 
ander to the command of the confederate Greeks were allowed 
to return home, the others were permitted to purchase their 
pardon by joining the Macedo'nian forces, an offer which 
they readily embraced. 

16. In the midst of this success Alexander had the mor- 
tification to discover a conspiracy, in which the son of Par- 
me'nio, hitherto the most able and faithful of his generals, 
was engaged ; and Parme'nio himself was more than sus- 
pected, if not of active participation, at least of guilty 
concealment. The particulars of the plot have not been 
explained by the ancient historians, but the conspirators were 
openly tried by the general council of the army, and sen- 
tenced to death by a unanimous vote. 

b.c. 7 17. Having escaped this danger, the attention of 
329. 5 Alexander was next called to the situation of the 
provinces bordering on Scyth'ia, the modern Tartary. 18. 
The nomade races of people in these countries have been 
in all ages the principal agents in all the great revolutions 
that have taken place in Asia ; from them are descended the 
Turks, the Tartar rulers of Persia, the Mogul conquerors 
of India, and the powerful tribes which subdued the ancient 
mpire of China. The Greeks had long learned to dread 
these fierce barbarians, by whomCy'rus the Great had been 
destroyed, and Dari'us Hystas'pes forced to an inglorious 
retreat. 19. The Macedonians did not, therefore, evince 
much alacrity when summoned to invade Scyth'ia, and the 
diviners detained the army several days on the banks of the 
Tax'artes, under the pretence of unfavourable omens. Alex 



INVASION OF SCYTHIA. 289 

ander at length crossed the river, and inflicted on the Scyth- 
ian army a defeat so severe and unexpected, that all the tribes 
sent deputies to proffer their submission. 

20. In the mean time Epitame'nes, the satrap of Sogdi- 
a'na, had broken out into open rebellion, and defeated with 
great slaughter the detachment of Macedonians sent to reduce 
him to obedience. On the approach of Alexander the gal- 
lant satrap, having vainly endeavoured to lafuse his own 
courage into the breasts of his followers, retreated towards 
the deserts. He was slain on the road by some of his own 
soldiers, who sent his head to Alexander, in order to purchase 
their own pardon. 

21. Oxyar'tes the Bactrian still defied the Macedonian 
monarch, and shutting himself up in one of the mountain 
fortresses of Sogdia'na, obstinately refused submission. The 
strength of the place might indeed well have justified his 
confidence ; the castle was situated on a rock so lofty, that 
it was surrounded by perpetual snows, and the garrison, 
proud of their position, when summoned to surrender, con- 
temptuously asked, " if Alexander had supplied himself 
with winged soldiers ?" Irritated by this taunt, the king 
offered large sums to those who would scale the cliff. 22. 
Stimulated both by the hope of reward and the desire of 
glory, a detachment succeeded in ascending some rocks that 
overlooked the fortress, by driving iron pins into the con- 
gealed snow, from which they suspended scaling-ladders. 
After the detachment had surmounted the dangers and diffi- 
culties of this hazardous enterprise, Alexander sent to the 
Sogdians a fresh summons, at the same time bidding them 
" to view his winged soldiers." 23. The astonished barba- 
rians surrendered at discretion, and among the captives was 
found Roxa'na, the daughter of Oxyar'tes, whose charms 
captivated the victor so much that he made her the partner 
of his throne. 24. In this campaign Alexander subdued all 
the north-eastern provinces of the ancient Persian empire, 
extending from the Caspian sea to the chain of lofty moun- 
tains that bound India on the north. 25. It would be very 
unjust to ascribe these conquests to mere warlike ambition, 
or a desire of extended empire ; the inhabitants of these 
countries had been long a great impediment to the progress 
of civilization in Asia; they issued from their mountain fast- 
nesses to plunder the cultivators of the plain, and were in 
their turn the prey of the Scythian tribes. Alexander, by- 
placing garrisons along the banks of the Ox'us and Jax'artes 

2B 



290 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

restrained the incursions of the barbarians, and by sending 
colonies into these remote provinces, laid the foundations of 
a system of social order, which would have produced the 
most beneficial effects, but for the premature death of the 
illustrious founder. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Why had Darius no reason to dread immediate pursuit ? 

2. What treasures did Alexander acquire at Susa ? 

3. Why did the Babylonians submit patiently to a change of masters ? 

4. By what enemies was the march of Alexander into Persia impeded 1 

5. Did the Persians themselves make any resistance ? 

6. How was the position of Anobarzanes forced ? 

7. How was Persepolis treated ? 

8. Did Alexander spend the winter in idleness ? 

9. How was Darius employed ? 

10. Was Darius closely pursued by Alexander? 

11. What evils did the royal fugitive suffer from his followers 1 

12. Did Alexander succeed in rescuing Darius ? 

13. How did Alexander honour his deceased rival ? 

14. What became of the traitors 1 

1 5. How was the rest of the campaign spent ? 

16. What dangerous conspiracy was formed against Alexander ? 

17. To what quarter was Alexander's attention next directed ? 

18. Why was the invasion of Scythia a dangerous enterprise ? 

19. What success had the Macedonians against the Scythians 1 

20. How was the revolt of Spitamenes suppressed ? 

21. What gave Oxyartes courage to defy Alexander ? 

22. How was the Logdian fortress taken ? 

23. Who was Roxana ? 

24. Were any other acquisitions made in this campaign ? 

25. What was the effect of Alexanders conquests? 



SECTION IV. 



INVASION OF INDIA. 



But quiet to quick bosoms is a hell, 
And this hath been thy bane. — Byron. 



1. The numerous victories obtained by Alexander, and 
the extensive empire he had acquired with such rapidity, 
naturally inspired him with a high sense of his personal 
dignity, and led him to claim honours such as the Greeks 
had been accustomed to bestow on the gods alon?; ever 
since the conquest of Egypt, the flatterers of the king had 
pretended to believe that he was the son of Jupiter Ammon ; 



INVASION OF INDIA. 291 

and this gross flattery, which sounds so strange to modern 
ears, was not unacceptable to Alexander, whose greatest 
weakness was the desire of being considered the rival of 
those fabulous heroes, Her'cules and Bac'chus. 2. The 
Greeks were very unwilling to imitate the degrading pros- 
trations of the Asiatics in the presence of their sovereign, 
and they saw with regret their beloved monarch daily ex- 
hibiting a greater taste for the despotic customs of the 
ancient Persian court, than for the simpler manners of his 
native country. The adoption of the Persian dress, which 
appears to have been dictated by sound policy, was equally 
offensive to the haughty Greeks, who looked upon every 
nation but their own as barbarous ; they thought that their 
leader had degraded himself to the condition of the van- 
quished, by assuming their costume ; for the expediency 
of conciliating those who had been but lately subdued, seems 
never to have entered into their contemplation. 3. These 
circumstances caused frequent murmurings in the camp, 
which were not a little aggravated by the jealousy of several 
captains, who saw Alexander bestowing marks of favour on 
the Persian nobles, and who deemed that all honours and 
all rewards should be entirely confined to the-mselves. They 
began to draw comparisons between Philip and his son, to 
the disadvantage of the latter ; they even depreciated their 
own victories, and asserted that their triumphs were due 
rather to the cowardice and weakness of their enemies, than 
to the courage or conduct of their commander. 4. There 
were also in the camp several philosophers whom Alexan- 
der patronized from his love of science ; men who piqued 
themselves on their unbounded liberty of speech, and thought 
that their literary attainments placed them far above the 
kings of the earth. Among these was Callis'thenes, a dis- 
ciple of Aristotle, but differing from his master in being a 
fierce democrat and a violent asserter of tyrannicidal doc- 
trines. 5. Amidst these elements of strife, Alexander pursued 
his course, either not suspecting or defying danger, daily 
imitating more and more the luxury and ostentation of the 
Persian kings, but becoming daily more sensible of the deep 
feelings of anger which he thus excited. 6. The Persians 
were remarkable for their attachment to the pleasures of the 
table ; they loved to drink deep, and one of their sovereigns* 
had his prowess in drinking-bouts inscribed with his other 
triumphs on his tomb. Unfortunately Alexander was se- 
* Darius Hystaspes. 



292 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

duced into the adoption of this pernicious habit, and under 
the influence of intoxication was led to the commission of 
an act which may justly be considered the great misfortune 
of his life. 

7. Clei'tus, the brother of Larna'ce, by whom Alexander 
was nursed, had been long the favourite companion of the 
king ; we have already seen him saving the monarch's life 
at the battle of the Gran'icus, nor were his services less 
conspicuous at Issus and Arbe'la. 8. Presuming on his 
services, he one night taunted the king, when heated with 
wine, on his inferiority to his father, and ascribed the victo 
ries over the Persians to the valour of himself and his bro- 
ther soldiers. The evident displeasure of the king, and the 
remonstrances of the company, failed to check the licentious 
tongue of the rude soldier, until Alexander, stung to mad- 
ness, seized a javelin, and laid the injudicious censurer dead 
at his feet. 9. Scarcely, however, had he perpetrated the 
crime when he was seized with remorse ; his attendants 
with difficulty prevented him from laying violent hands on 
himself; he was hurried to his chamber, where he remained 
for three days perfectly inconsolable ; and it was not with- 
out difficulty that his mind was again restored to its wonted 
composure. 

10. Soon after this a conspiracy of the royal pages to 
murder their master was discovered. Callisthenes was said 
to have been a principal in the plot ; indeed his doctrines 
plainly taught that such an action would have been laudable : 
he was, therefore, seized, and put to death in prison; the 
pages were publicly executed. 

b.c, "> 11. The invasion of western India was the last 
327. 5 and greatest martial exploit of Alexander. He ap- 
pears to have entered the country by what is now called the 
route of Candahar ; the common track of the caravans from 
northern India to A'gra and Is'pahan. The difficulties which 
he had to encounter in passing the mountainous chains 
which fence in northern India, have, perhaps, been exagge- 
rated by ancient writers, but from the description given of 
the country by modern travellers, it is evident that the 
dangers to which the army was exposed exceeded any that 
they had hitherto encountered. 12. Most of the satraps to 
the west of the Indus submitted to the invader at the first 
summons ; the rock Aor'nos, said to have baffled the prowess 
of Bacchus and Hercules, however, defied his assaults. 
This place, which has not been yet identified by modern 



INVASION OF INDIA. 






293 




Alexander killing Cleitus. 

travellers, is described by the ancients as a rocky hill on 
the banks of the Indus, accessible only by one path cut out 
of the solid rock, possessing near its summit a perpetual 
spring of pure water, and as much arable ground as would 
employ the labour of a thousand men. Notwithstanding all 
these advantages, Alexander subdued it in the very same 
way that he had before conquered the Sogdian fortress, 
namely, by sending a detachment to scale the rock in the 
rear, while he engaged the attention of the enemy in front. 

13. From thence Alexander advanced to the Indus, which 
he passed over by a bridge of boats, and having received 
the submission of the neighbouring satraps, he advanced 
towards the Hydaspes, one of the largest tributary branches 
of the Indus. It was now the season of the summer sol- 
stice, when the rivers of India are always swollen by the 
melting of the mountain snows, and by the tropical rains. 

14. This encouraged Po'rus, an Indian prince beyond the 
Hydaspes, to set Alexander at defiance. He assembled a 
numerous army, and posted himself on the banks of the 
river, determined to prevent the Macedonians from forcing 
a passage. Alexander clearly saw that he could not hope tc 
cross the river in the face of such a powerful force ; he, 
therefore, ostentatiously collected provisions, and declared 
that it was his intention to defer his advance until the season 
became more favourable. 15. Finding that the Indians still 
maintained their post, the invaders were obliged to adopt a 

2b2 



294 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

new plan ; detachments of cavalry and light troops were 
sent every night to different places on the banks of the river, 
with orders to sound their trumpets and raise their war-cry, 
as if they were at that moment about to force their way over 
the river. Po'rus at first led out his army at every fresh 
alarm, but finding that they all terminated in nothing, and 
that his soldiers were harassed by want of repose, soon neg 
ected the watching of the fords altogether. This was what 
Alexander expected, and finding that the enemy had become 
negligent, he prepared in silence to pass over at the moment 
when he was least expected. About ten miles above the 
position of the two armies there was a bend in the river, 
and midway between the banks was a large island densely 
covered with wood. Hither Alexander moved with about 
half his forces, leaving the remainder under the command 
of Crate'us, with orders to display themselves to the Indian 
army, so as to engage their attention. 16. The passage of 
the river was finally effected on a dark night during a dread- 
ful thunder-storm, which completely drowned the noise of 
the embarkation, and before the morning dawned, the Mace- 
do'nians had not only secured their position in the island, 
but were far advanced in their preparations for passing the 
other branch of the stream. 17. The Indian outposts in- 
stantly sent off the news to Po'rus, but he being deceived 
by the evolutions of Crate'us, believed that this was only a 
feint to divert his attention ; however, he sent his son with 
a strong body of horse, to drive back the invaders, but the 
landing was made good ere they could reach the scene of 
action. Alexander, at the head of a troop of the Companions, 
charged the Indian cavalry, they were easily routed, and the 
son of Po'rus slain. 

18. The Indian king, driven to fight for his crown and 
life in a fair field, prepared for the decisive battle with equal 
skill and intrepidity. He distributed his cavalry and war- 
chariots in both wings, drew up his elephants, on which 
perhaps he placed too much reliance, in the front of his line, 
and formed his infantry behind in a solid mass that appeared 
impenetrable. 19. Alexander, collecting the greater part 
of his cavalry into the left wing, prepared to turn the right 
flank of the Indian line, and directed Cae'nus, with the rest 
of the horse, to make a similar attack on the other extremity. 
The latter was the first that succeeded ; for Po'rus had with- 
drawn the better divisions of his cavalry from that wing, in 
order to overwhelm A.exander. Cra'nus not on*y broke 



INVASION OF INDIA. 295 

through the squadrons opposed to him, but chased them in 
their retreat round to the other wing, which he attacked in 
the rear at the moment that Alexander charged in front. 
20. The Indian cavalry made but a faint resistance, and fled 
for protection behind the elephants. The Macedo'nian 
infantry now advanced, and the Indian king ordered his ele- 
phants to charge. These unwieldy animals at first threw 
the Macedo'nian lines into confusion, but being attacked by 
the light troops, who aimed at their guides, they were driven 
back. The army of Po'rus was now a confused mass, the 
cavalry were mixed up with infantry, and the elephants 
crowded on each other, and irritated either by wounds or the 
loss of their guides, increased the disarray. 21. Crate'us 
had now crossed the river with fresh forces, and joined Alex- 
ander at the moment that the Indians were beginning to fly ; 
the rout soon became general, and the squadrons of Macedo- 
nian cavalry falling on the broken bands, committed fearful 
havoc. 22. Po'rus still maintained the battle personally, 
with the utmost intrepidity. Conspicuous by his great size, 
which exceeded the ordinary stature of men, and by his 
glittering armour, he directed his elephant against the hostile 
battalions. Alexander, anxious to save the life of a brave 
enemy, sent one of his former captives to summon him to 
surrender, and Po'rus, having been wounded, and finding 
himself now exhausted by fatigue and loss of blood, con- 
sented. 23. When brought into the presence of Alexander, 
the Indian king still maintained the dignity and courage 
for which he had been always distinguished ; when asked by 
the conqueror "how he wished to be treated?" he replied, 
" Like a king." Being asked had he any other request to 
make, he answered, " No ; every thing is contained in that 
word." Alexander, delighted at finding in an enemy senti- 
ments so congenial to his own, distinguished Po'rus with 
unusual favours, not only restoring him to his kingdom, but 
greatly adding to its extent ; the Indian in return attached 
himself for the future to Alexander, more as a friend than 
as a subject. 

24. Alexander next subdued the tribes of the Cathai'ans, 
and advanced to the banks of the Hy'phasis, the only great 
stream now between him and the plains of India. But at this 
moment, when the monarch already grasped in imagination 
his new empire, his soldiers broke out into open insurrec- 
ion, and refused to follow him further. After many vain 
efforts to overcome their reluctance, Alexander was obliged 



296 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

to return back to the Hy'daspes, where part of his army 
was already employed in building a fleet to sail down the 
river into the unknown ocean. 25. The warlike nations of 
the Mal'li and Oxydra'cae inhabited the banks of the river 
down which the fleet was sailing ; they possessed strong 
fortified towns and numerous garrisons, but nothing could 
resist the reckless daring of Alexander ; indeed his exploits 
in the course of the closing part of this campaign almost 
pass the bounds of credibility, and seem to have been dic- 
tated by rashness rather than courage. 26. One of these 
deserves to be narrated. At the storming of the citadel of 
an Indian town, Alexander was the first to ascend the 
scaling-ladder, but he had scarcely reached the summit of 
the wall, when the weight of his followers broke the ladder, 
and he was left alone in the midst of his enemies. Under 
these circumstances Alexander, conceiving that the boldest 
conduct was the safest, leaped from the rampart into the for- 
tress, and placing his back against the wall, defied the entire 
host. The foremost of his assailants were cut down, and 
the barbarians gave back from the reach of his arm, but 
showered their missiles on him from a distance. An arrow 
at length penetrated his cuirass and sunk deep in the bone, 
but at this moment he was joined by three faithful followers, 
who threw themselves between the king and the weapons 
of his enemies. One of them soon fell, the other two were 
severely wounded, and Alexander himself was fainting from 
loss of blood, when his soldiers, having repaired their lad- 
ders, succeeded in scaling the wall. The sight of their 
beloved sovereign bleeding, as they supposed, to death, 
roused them to vengeance. They refused all quarter to the 
garrison, and spared not even the women and children. 27. 
Alexander did not easily recover from this wound, but he 
was consoled in his sufferings by the sympathy of his army; 
every soldier evinced the most lively interest in his recovery, 
and his restoration to health was voluntarily celebrated as a 
festival. The progress of the army down the Indus was 
marked by several victories over the adjacent Indian na- 
b.c. 7 tions ; but at length iheir toils were rewarded by the 
325. 5 sight of the ocean, which they had so long ardently 
desired 



RETURN FROM INDIA. 297 

Questions for Examination. 

1. What species of reverence did Alexander claim with which his sol- 

diers were displeased 1 

2. Why were the Greeks indignant at the conduct of their monarch 1 

3. What was the consequence of these feelings of disunion 1 

4. Were there any persons in the camp who increased these feel- 

ings ? 

5. How did Alexander conduct himself under these circumstances ? 

6. What bad Persian custom did Alexander imitate 1 

7. Had Cleitus any peculiar claims on Alexander 1 

8. How did he provoke the king to slay him ? 

9. Did Alexander deeply regret his violent passion 1 

10. Was there any conspiracy detected and punished about this time ] 

11. By what route did Alexander invade India ] 

12. Why is the capture of Aornos remarkable 1 

13. How was the passage of the Hy'daspes made difficult to Alex 

ander ? 

14. By whom was the river defended 1 

15. How did Alexander throw the Indians off their guard 1 

16. By what natural event was the passage of the river facilitated ? 

17. How did Porus act when he heard of this passage 1 

18. In what manner did Porus form his line of battle ? 

19. With what movements did Alexander commence the fight? 

20. How were the Indian lines thrown into confusion 1 

21. In what manner was the victory completed 1 

22. How did Porus behave 1 

23. In what manner was Porus treated by Alexander ? 

24. What prevented Alexander from penetrating into India ? 

25. Did Alexander meet any enemies in his passage down the Indus ? 

26. Was not Alexander exposed to great danger in the storming of an 

Indian town 1 

27. Did any other remarkable circumstances occur in the voyage down 

the Indus ? 



SECTION V. 

RETURN FROM INDIA DEATH OF ALEXANDER. 



1 Alexander had, from the very beginning of his career, 
designed a plan of commercial intercourse between Greece 
and southern Asia. The route which he had determined on 
was that which was subsequently established between India 
and Egypt. He planned several naval stations on the 
branches of the Indus, and sent out a fleet under Near'chus, 
to examine the coast between the mouth of the Indus and 



298 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

the Persian gulf. 2. At the same time he resolved to re 
turn to Persia along the sea-coast, both for the purpose of 
keeping up a connexion with his fleet, and subduing the 
intervening nations. 3. Between India and Carma'nia lay 
the deserts of Gedro'sia, which the army traversed with 
great difficulty. Their sufferings from thirst, the heat of 
the sun, and the burning sand, exceeded any thing that they 
had hitherto experienced, but the sight of their sovereign 
sharing in their toils, and submitting to equal privations 
without a murmur, cheered them to fresh exertions. At 
length they reached the shores of the Persian gulf, and 
were soon after rejoined by the fleet under Near'chus. 
4. The march of the army through Carma'nia resembled a 
triumphant procession ; the soldiers, once more in a fertile 
and friendly country, believed that all their toils were over, 
and gladly gave themselves up to enjoyment. 

5. On his return to Persia, Alexander heard, with great 
regret, that the tomb of Cy'rus had been broken open during 
his absence, and the remains of that great sovereign shame- 
fully insulted. The Macedonian king always felt a deep 
veneration for the memory of the founder of the Persian 
monarchy, whose character and career were very similar to 
his own ; he, therefore, ordered the tornb to be repaired, 
and severely punished those to whose charge it had been 
intrusted. 

6. The prudent, measures already taken to conciliate the 
Persian nobility had produced a very powerful effect ; in fact, 
Alexander was as much beloved by the Asiatic lords as if 
he had been one of their native princes. To increase and 
strengthen this attachment, Alexander married Statei'ra, the 
daughter of the late king, and gave several of his generals 
wives from the noble families of Persia. These nuptials 
were celebrated with unusual splendour, the refinements of 
European taste were added to Asiatic magnificence, and the 
whole was concluded with a munificent distribution of 
rewards to all who had distinguished themselves in the war. 
7. On this occasion Alexander paid off all the debts that 
his soldiers had contracted. These splendid gifts did not 
diminish the dislike with which the army viewed the adop- 
tion of eastern customs ; and the Macedonians were still 
more indignant when they saw a band of thirty thousand 
young men, who had been raised in the upper provinces, 
and carefully instructed in Grecian discipline, enrolled in 
the regular army. These new soldiers were called Epig'« 



JOURNEY TO BABYLON. 299 

oni, a name derived from the heroes who subdued Thebes 
in the fabulous ages of Grecian history. 8. The discontent 
of the Macedonians broke out in a dangerous mutiny, which 
was suppressed with great difficulty. But Alexander was 
not to be made a slave by his own soldiers ; he acted with 
equal firmness and moderation, punishing only the ring- 
leaders, and granting the rest not merely pardon, but favour. 
Soon after, he sent home the veterans whom age or wounds 
incapacitated for further service ; they were loaded with 
favours, and intrusted to the guidance of Crat'erus, one of 
their most popular generals. 

9. Soon after this, Alexander lost his beloved friend He- 
phaes'tion, the cherished companion of all his toils ; his 
grief on the occasion is described as most extravagant ; he, 
perhaps involuntarily, imitated the conduct of Achilles on 
the death of Patroclus, and for some time it was doubtful 
whether he could survive such excessive sorrow. 

10. Having arranged the different satrapies in Media and 
Persia, he resolved to visit Babylon, which he had long de- 
signed to make the capital of his extensive dominions. On 
his road thither, he received ambassadors from every part 
of the then known world ; it is recorded by ere lible histo- 
rians that even the Romans sent a deputation to congratulate 
him on his success, and solicit his friendship. He little 
thought when he received these deputies from an almost 
unknown city, that there stood before him the representa- 
tives of a people destined, at no very distant period, to in- 
herit his empire, and destroy his paternal kingdom. 

11. As Alexander approached Bab'ylon, he was C b.c. 
met by deputies from the Chaldean soothsayers, c 323. 
warning him not to approach the city in the name of their 
god Be'lus. They were probably afraid of an examination 
into the manner in which they had dissipated the revenues 
assigned for the support of the temples, and hoped to terrify 
the king by their prophecies of evil. 12. Other unfavour- 
able Omens and prodigies were also mentioned, but Alex- 
ander, nothing daunted, continued his march, and even 
entered the city by the gate which had been particularly 
described as fatal. 

13. The schemes and plans with which Alexander's 
mind was occupied, during the last year of his life, were 
worthy of his great genius ; he opened the navigation of 
the Euphra'tes, established a fleet on the Caspian sea, 
founded several towns, and marked out the site of commer 



3()0 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

cial dep6ts which would connect the trade of the Nile, the 
Tigris, and the Indus ; he also made preparations for the 
invasion of Arabia, as he deemed the possession of that 
peninsula essential to the accomplishment of his mighty 
projects. 14. Before setting out on any new expedition, 
it had been always the custom of Alexander to invite his 
officers to a banquet; that which was given on the comple- 
tion of the preparations for invading Arabia was peculiarly 
splendid ; the king drank deeply, and was about to retire, 
when Medius, the Thessalian, invited him to come to a 
second banquet at his quarters. 15. This additional debauch 
brought on a fever, which the king's anxiety about the im- 
pending expedition greatly increased. On the ninth day he 
was speechless, and it became evident that his dissolution 
was approaching; his favourite troops were admitted to his 
presence, and though unable to speak, he saluted them with 
his hand ; soon after he gave his ring to Perdic'cas, and 
expired. 

16. The character of Alexander is so completely unex- 
ampled, his career so unlike every thing that has been 
recorded of all other conquerors, that we must not be sur- 
prised to find him by some writers described as a scourge 
of the human race, and by others represented as a great 
benefactor of mankind. 17. That his establishment of a 
permanent empire in the East would have greatly advanced 
the great cause of civilization and social happiness is per- 
fectly undeniable. When we consider how much he effected 
before he had attained even his thirty-fourth year, it is not 
easy to assign the limits of what he might have done, if his 
life had been protracted to old a'ge. 18. To change the bar- 
barous habits of the Asiatic nations, and substitute for their 
savage customs the refinements of Greek civilization, was 
an enterprise of greater difficulty and of greater glory than 
the conquest of Dari'us, or the subjugation of Persia; but 
it might probably have been effected by the royal pupil of 
Aristotle, combining, as he did, the enthusiasm of the hero, 
and the wisdom of the philosopher. 16. Other invaders 
have passed over the plains of Asia, both in ancient and 
modern times, but their career has been like the poison 
wind of the desert, traceable only by the ruin and desolation 
that marked their progress. The march of Alexander was 
not wholly unattended with evil, for every invading army 
must cause calamity, but the monuments of his glorious 
career were seventy cities founded under his auspices, com- 






THE CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER. 



301 




Aleaander refusing to drink the water. 

mercial marts established on all the principal rivers, an I 
improved systems of agriculture and social life taught to 
wandering tribes. 20. The army of the southern Greeks, 
who had not shared in the glories of the conquest of Asia, 
the jealousy of the Romans, who could not bear to remem- 
ber that the banners of Macedon were displayed in regions 
unvisited by the Roman eagle, and the republican prejudices 
of most ancient historians, have led to a great depreciation 
of Alexander's merits, and a great exaggeration of his faults. 
It would be idle to assert that he was a perfect character, 
but " take him for all in all," and it will be difficult to point 
out in history a better general, a wiser sovereign, a more 
merciful victor, and a more sincere friend. Alexander un- 
derstood the means of rendering himself popular with the 
soldiers not less thoroughly than Napoleon. When the 
army were on a forced march through a dry region, some 
soldiers at a great risk procured a little water, and brought 
it in a helmet for the king to drink. Seeing the soldiers 
gaze upon it with eagerness, he took the helmet and poured 
it on the ground, saying that their seeing him drink it would 
only increase their thirst. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What commercial projects did Alexander form ? 

2. By what route did the army return to Persia 1 

3. Did they endure many sufferings during their march 1 

4. Was the march through Carmania equally painful 1 

5. How did Alexander show his respect for the memory of Cyrus ? 

2 C 



302 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

6. In what manner did Alexander endeavour to conciliate the Persians 

7. Why were the Macedonians indignant 1 

8. How was their mutiny suppressed 1 

9. By whose death was Alexander greatly affected 1 

10 What remarkable embassies met him on the road to Babylon 1 

11. By whom was Alexander warned not to enter Babylon 1 

1 2. Was he deterred by these unfavourable omens 1 

13. To what enterprise was the attention of Alexander next directed 1 

14. In what drunken debauch did Alexander engage ? 

15. What were the circumstances of his death ? 

16. What opposite accounts are given of Alexander's character ? 

17. Why may we suppose that he could have executed his projects ? 

18. What designs of his would have been most difficult to execute? 

19. How did he differ from other conquerors of Asia 1 

20. Why has the character of Alexander been misrepresented ? 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER, 

And made one ruin of the earth and of their reign. — Spencer 

1. Whilst Alex'ander was employed in the subjugation 
of Asia, the preservation of tranquillity in Greece was in- 
trusted to Antip'ater, who united in a remarkable degree the 
character of an able statesman and a good general. The 
Lacedaemonians, though stripped of power, had not lost 
their pride, and they resolved to overthrow the supremacy 
of Macedon, while its sovereign was waging a doubtful war 
in a foreign land. The Spartan king, A'gis, inherited the 
b.c. ") abilities and obstinacy of his grandfather Agesila'us : 
330. 5 he induced several of the Peloponnesian states to 
join in the confederacy he had formed against Macedon, and 
was soon able to take the field at the head of twenty thou- 
sand men. 2. This unexpected news reached Antip'ater 
whilst he was subduing an insurrection in Thrace; alarmed 
at the imminent danger, he traversed Greece with wonderful 
celerity, and arrived in the Peloponnesus with an army more 
numerous and better disciplined than that of his enemies 
3. The engagement that ensued was fatal to the confede- 
rates ; A'gis, refusing to fly, was slain, and three thousand 
of his soldiers shared his fate. Deputies were sent to solicit 
pardon and peace from Alexander, and he, with equal pru- 
dence and generosity, granted both on the most liberal con 



THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER. 303 

ditions. 4. During the remainder of his reign Greece 
enjoyed perfect tranquillity, the cities continued to be ruled 
by their own laws, and the Macedonian government did not 
even interfere to protect its partisans when attacked by a 
hostile faction. The famous contest between the rival ora- 
tors Demos'thenes and iEs'chines, which terminated in the 
defeat and banishment of the latter, is a convincing proof 
of the great liberty which the states were permitted to enjoy. 
5. We have already seen that Demos'thenes had long shown 
himself the inveterate enemy of the Macedonian supremacy, 
and that his rival iEs'chines had been distinguished as the 
eloquent advocate of Philip ; both were supported by strong 
parties, but that of Demos'thenes was the most active and 
numerous. 6. Ctes'iphon, an Athenian of some eminence, 
proposed a decree which was sanctioned by an assembly of 
the people, that the state should present Demos'thenes with 
a golden crown as a testimony of their approbation : JEs'- 
chines denounced the proposer as a violator of the laws. 
From various causes, the trial was postponed to the sixth 
year of Alexander's reign ; crowds came from all parts of 
Greece to witness the intellectual conflict, and the late 
victories of the Macedonians seemed to give the accuser a 
decisive advantage. 

7. The charges made by iEs'chines against Ctes- r b.c. 
iphon were three ; (1) That he had proposed to confer £ 330. 
public honours on a man holding an official situation, whose 
accounts were yet unexamined. (2) That he had caused 
these honours to be illegally proclaimed in the theatre. 
(3) That Demos'thenes, far from meriting a crown, had been 
the principal cause of his country's ruin and disgrace. The 
last was evidently the most important head of accusation, 
since it brought into question the entire policy of the Athe- 
nians, with respect to the Macedonians. 8. The speech of 
^Es 'chines was a master-piece of eloquence and argument, 
but the persuasive vehemence of Demosthenes bore down 
all opposition ; he vindicated the course he had recommend- 
ed to the Athenians, as being that which honour had dictated, 
though fortune had not favoured ; and appealed to the shades 
of those who fell at Marathon andPlataea, to justify the con- 
flict in the same glorious cause on the fatal field of Cheero- 
nei'a. 9. The event was the acquittal of Ctesiphon, and the 
banishment of iEs'chines as a false accuser. 10. The 
subsequent conduct of the illustrious rivals is more honour- 
able to their characters than even the triumphs of their 



304 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

eloquence. Demos'thenes presented a large sum of money 
to his adversary, and forced him to accept it, as a means of 
support in exile. vEs'chines opened a school of eloquence 
at Rhodes, and having read the two crown orations at his 
first lecture, when he found that the warmest applause was 
given to the speech of Demos'thenes, without testifying any 
envy, he exclaimed, " What would have been your admira- 
tion had you heard the mighty orator himself !" 
B.C. 7 11. The death of Alexander dissolved the fabric 
3:23. 5 of the mighty empire which he had erected ; the 
generals would not obey Perdic'cas, but sought each inde- 
pendent establishment by the sword, nor was there any 
cessation of crimes and calamities until the battle of Is'sus 
b.c. -£ secured the establishment of the Egyptian, Syrian, 
301. 3 Thracian, and Macedonian kingdoms. But the his- 
tory of these revolutions is very remotely connected with 
that of Greece, to which we must return.* 

12. A little before his death, Alexander had promised the 
restoration of all the Grecian exiles, and intrusted its fulfil- 
ment to Antip'ater. This measure excited universal suspi- 
cion, and was particularly odious to the Athenians, who had 
taken possession of Sa'mos, and feared the return of the 
original inhabitants. By the persuasion of Demosthenes, 
b.c. -£ they took up arms to overthrow the supremacy of 
322. 5 Macedon, and were joined by the Argives, JEio'- 
lians, and Thessa'lians. 13. Leos'thenes took the command 
of the confederates, and soon compelled Antip'ater to take 
refuge in La'miae, which he closely besieged. As most of 
the military events occurred in the vicinity of that town, it 
is usually called the Lamian war. 14. Leos'thenes was 
unfortunately killed in the beginning of the siege, and the 
command devolved on Antiphilus, a general of very inferior 
abilities. Leonna'tus at the head of a Macedonian army 
compelled the Athenians to raise the siege ; the confederates, 
however, again defeated Antipater, but took no measures to 
improve their victory, and soon after the arrival of larg 
reinforcements under Crat'erus gave Antipater a decided su 
periority. 15. The confederates were forced to solicit 
peace, which they obtained with difficulty. The Athenian 
democracy was overthrown, the fortress of Munych'ia 
received a Macedonian garrison, and sentence of death was 
pronounced on Demosthenes. 16. The illustrious orator 
* The reader will find an account of the successes of Alexander in 
the Historical Miscellany, Part II. 



THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER. 305 

tied to Calau'ria, a small island on the Argive coast, where 
he took refuge in a temple of Neptune, but being pursued 
thither by the emissaries of Antipater, he took poison, and 
escaped by suicide from falling into the hands of his 
enemies. 

17. Antipater, when dying, bequeathed the regency r b.c. 
of Macedon to Polysper'chon the oldest of Alexan- \ 318. 
der's surviving generals. This arrangement was particu- 
larly displeasing to Cassan'der, the son of Antipater, and 
he immediately commenced a series of intrigues to obtain 
his father's power. In this he was assisted by Nica'nor, 
who commanded the Macedonian garrison in Munych'ia, 
and by the leaders of the aristocratic party at Athens, to 
whom the whole power of the state had been transferred by 
Antipater. 18. Polysper'chon, in order to counteract the 
efforts of Cassander, declared himself the patron of demo- 
cracy and freedom ; the old contest between the nobles and 
the people was thus revived in all the states with greater 
violence than ever. 19. The presence of Nica'nor's forces, 
who garrisoned both the Peirse'eus and Munych'ia, enabled 
Pho"cion to maintain the oligarchy which Antipater had 
established ; but the arrival of a numerous army under the 
command of Polysper'chon's son, soon made the popular 
party superior. A tumultuous assembly was convoked ; the 
democracy was restored by acclamation, and sentence of 
death denounced against Pho"cion and all who had partici- 
pated in the late government. 20. The persons who were 
thus summarily convicted of treason fled for protection to 
Polysper'chon, but he, anxious to conciliate the Athenians, 
shamefully surrendered the fugitives to the vindictive popu- 
lace. The trial of these unfortunate persons was a mockery 
of justice ; they were not allowed to speak in their own 
defence, and those who attempted to plead their cause were 
hooted from the tribunal. Pho"cion submitted to his fate 
with resignation, and showed no resentment for his unme- 
rited condemnation, or the insults heaped on him by a furious 
rabble. His last message to his son was a command not 
to revenge the injuries that the Athenians had done him. 
With their usual fickleness, the people soon repented of 
their cruelty; they erected a brazen statue of Pho"cion, 
and punished his accusers with death, hoping, as usual, to 
atone for their own crime by punishing those by whom they 
had been stimulated to its commission. 

21. From Attica, Polysper'chon proceeded to the Pelo 
2c2 



306 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

ponnesus, where by siding with the popular party he made 
himself master of most of the cities. Megalop'olis, the 
capital of Arcadia, however, rejected all his offers of alliance, 
and resisted all his efforts to subdue it. 

22. The defeat of Polysper'chon at Megalop'olis restored 
the sinking fortunes of Cassan'der ; and the crimes of 
Olym'pias, the mother of Alexander, whom the regent had 
unwisely recalled to Macedon, enabled him to complete his 
triumph. 23. The nominal authority of the state had been 
confided to Anhidae'us, the brother of the late king, but as he 
was almost an idiot, all the power was really possessed by 
his wife, Eurydi'ce, who was passionately attached to 
Cassan'der. Olym'pias, with the forces of the regency, 
advanced against the imbecile Anhidae'us, and made him and 
his wife prisoners. The unfortunate captives were put to 
death with shocking cruelty, and more than a hundred 
Macedonians, suspected of attachment to Cassander, shared 
the same fate. 24. But this cruelty proved the ruin of her 
cause ; the Macedonians, shocked at her barbarity, desert- 
ed, and Cassander, advancing to avenge his murdered friend, 
scarcely met any opposition. Olym'pias shut herself up 
b.c. 7 in Pyd'na, but the city was besieged and taken; she 
315. 5 surrendered on the promise of receiving a fair trial, 
but Cassan'der, dreading her influence over the Macedonians, 
caused her to be assassinated in prison. 

25. To secure himself on the throne, Cassander married 
Thessaloni'ca, the sister of Alexander the Great, and put to 
death all the descendants of the conqueror. The generals 
in the east had previously assumed the authority, though 
not as yet the title, of kings, and thus in a few years after 
the death of Alexander, not only his extensive empire, but 
even his hereditary dominions, were lost to his posterity for 
ever. 

26. Cassander rebuilt Thebes, and recalled the descend- 
ants of the former inhabitants ; he also gave to the remnant 
of the unfortunate Olynthians habitations in Cassandrei'a, 
a new city which he erected on the ruins of Potidaea. He 
restored the power of the aristocracy at Athens, and in- 
trusted the government of the city to Deme'trius of Phale'- 
rum, a man celebrated for his philosophical attainments, and 
Love of justice. A brief season of tranquillity followed, 
which was first interrupted by Cassander's joining the 
confederacy which had been formed against Antigonus.* 

* See Historical Miscellany, part II. chap. VII. 






THE SUCCESSORS OF ALEXANDER. 307 

27. Demetrius Poliorce'tes, the son of Antigonus, was sent 
to Greece to rouse up the states against Cassander, and pro- 
fessing himself the advocate of democracy, was soon at the 
head of a considerable party. The first enterprise C b.c. 
of Poliorce'tes was the siege of the Peiras'eus, the C 307. 
capture of which made him master of Athens. He restored 
the popular form of government, but saved the friends of 
oligarchy from the vengeance of the mob ; Deme'trius 
Phale'reus, though his equitable administration ought to 
have afforded him protection, was warned by the fate of 
Phocion on a similar occasion, not to place any reliance on 
the gratitude of the Athenian populace ; he, therefore, retired 
to Thebes, and subsequently to Egypt. 28. The incon 
stancy of that fickle people was soon after experienced by 
Poliorce'tes ; on the first reverse of fortune, the Athenians 
excluded him from their city. After a short siege Demetrius 
again became master of Athens, and instead of punishing 
the inhabitants for their ingratitrde, loaded them with bene- 
fits. 29. The death of Cassander, and the civil war C b.c. 
between his sons, afforded a new field of action to e 296. 
Demetrius. Antip'ater, the elder of the brothers, com- 
menced his reign by the murder of his mother, because he 
suspected her of favouring the pretensions of her younger 
son Alexander. A civil war ensued ; by the aid of Pyrr'hus, 
king of Epirus, Alexander succeeded in driving Antipater 
into exile, where he was soon after murdered. Demetrius 
came to the assistance of Alexander, but the war was termi- 
nated before his arrival, and the young king, dreading the 
abilities of his ally, plotted against his life, but was met with 
equal cunning. At length Alexander was slain, and Deme- 
trius obtained the kingdom of Macedon. 

30. In the sixth year of his reign Deme'trius was C b.c 
expelled from his kingdom by Pyrr'hus ; he fled £ 287. 
into Asia, and being made a prisoner by his father-in-law 
Seleu'cus, died in captivity. A series of sudden revolutions 
followed ; Pyrr'hus was driven out by Lysim'achus king 
of Thrace ; he in his turn was defeated and slain by Seleu'- 
cus, and Seleu'cus was assassinated by Ptol'emy Cerau'nus, 
who soon after made himself master of Macedon. 

31. Cerau'nus did not long enjoy the fruit of his crimes ; 
a horde of Gauls who had been settled in Panno'nia, finding 
their territories too small to support their increasing numbers, 
directed their course southwards, and soon appeared on the 
frontiers of Macedonia. Cerau'nus led an army to repel 



308 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

b.c. 7 this invasion, but was defeated and slain. The entire 
278. 5 country was laid waste by the barbarians, and when 
the resources of Macedon were exhausted, they prepared to 
extend their ravages to Greece. The Greeks, like their an- 
cestors in the Persian war, met and defeated the invaders at 
Thermop'ylae, and like them lost the fruits of their victory, 
by allowing the enemy to come round on their rear through 
the unguarded mountain-passes. The defenders of Ther- 
mop'ylae escaped on board the Athenian fleet, and the Gauls, 
having now no impediment in their way, advanced to plunder 
the temple of Delphi. The preservation of the shrine from 
the spoilers is said to have been similar to its former deliver- 
ance from the Persians, (chap. V.) The Pho"cians, from 
their knowledge of the mountains, were enabled to harass 
the invaders by simultaneous attacks on their front, flank, 
and rear ; an accidental storm terrified them with the dread 
of divine vengeance ; and finally, a sudden panic spreading 
in their camp by night, they turned their weapons against 
each other, and were so weakened by mutual slaughter, that 
they could no longer make any head against the enemy, by 
whom they were slaughtered without mercy. From Europe 
the shattered remains of the Gauls passed over into Asia 
Minor, where they finally made themselves masters of the 
province which after them was named Gala'tia. 

33. The kingdom of Macedon was distracted by the pre- 
tensions of different claimants to its crown, but at length 
the contest terminated in favour of Antig'onus, surnamed 
Gona'tas, from Goni in Thessaly, where he had been 
educated. He was the son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and 
inherited both the ambition and abilities of his father 



Questions for Examination. 

I By whom was an attempt made to take advantage of Alexander's 
absence 1 

2. How did Antipater behave when he heard this intelligence ? 

3. What was the result of the war 1 

4. How were the Greek states treated during the reign of Alexander 1 

5. Did any remarkable oratorical contest occur at Athens ! 

6. What was the foundation of this contest 1 

7. What were the charges made by JEschines 1 

8. Which proved himself the better orator 1 

9. How did the trial terminate 1 

!0. Did the rival orators exhibit any spite or jealousy 1 
. 1. What consequences followed the death of Alexander ? 



THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE. 309 

2. On what account did the Athenians go to war with Antipater 1 

13. Why is this called the Lamian war 1 

14. How did Antipater become superior in this war 1 

1 5. On what conditions was peace granted 1 
1 6. How did Demosthenes die 1 

17. What disputes took place after the death of Antipater 1 

18. How did Polysperchon strive to strengthen his power? 

19. What change took place in the Athenian government? 

20. How was Phocion treated by the prevailing party 1 

21. Where was Polysperchon defeated 1 

22. What events favourable to Cassander took place 1 

23. Of what crimes was Olympias guilty ] 

24. How was she treated by Cassander 1 

25. How was Alexander's empire broken up 1 

26. What beneficial arrangements were made by Cassander 1 

27. Why did Demetrius Phalereus leave Athens 1 

28. Did Poliorcetes show a revengeful disposition ? 

29. How did Demetrius acquire the kingdom of Macedon 1 

30. What revolutions followed 1 

31. How did Ceraunus die 1 

32. How did the invasion of the Gauls terminate 1 

33. Who acquired the kingdom of Macedon 1 



CHAPTER XVI. 



THE ACH/EAN LEAGUE FIRST INTERFERENCE OF THE ROMANS IN 

THE AFFAIRS OF GREECE. 

Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey. 

Where wealth accumulates and men decay. — Goldsmith. 

1. When the victories of Alexander, and still more the 
judicious measures of Antip'ater, had established the su- 
premacy of Macedon over all the Grecian states, the 
league which bound together the Achae'an cities was broken, 
and each was separately governed by some petty prince ap- 
pointed by the Macedonians. But when the civil wars 
between the successors of Alexander had broken up his 
mighty empire, the Achse'ans eagerly embraced the oppor- 
tunity of recovering their independence. Patrae and some 
others having expelled their garrisons and governors, C b.c. 
combined for the purpose of mutual defence, and 1 280. 
chose at an assembly of the states two generals to manage 
the affairs of the confederacy. 2. The happiness which 
this change produced, excited the emulation of those states 
which still groaned under the yoke of the Macedonian 
tyrants ; Sic"yon, the most ancient of the Grecian cities. 



310 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

and powerful from its situation, riches, and extent, was libe- 
b.c. > rated from its oppressors in a bloodless revolution, 
251.5 effected by the youthful Ara'tus, and was joyfully 
received into the Achaean league. 3. The citadel of 
Corinth, being the key of the Peloponnesus, was an object 
of great importance to any one who aimed at the dominion 
of Greece ; it had been accordingly seized on by Antig'onus, 
and strongly garrisoned. Ara'tus, on being appointed gene- 
ral of the Achaeans, resolved to recover this important 
fortress ; by an unexpected attack during the night, he suc- 
ceeded with little loss, and thus restored freedom to Corinth, 
and secured the passage of the isthmus. 4. During the 
reign of Antig'onus and his son Deme'trius, there was an 
almost incessant war between the Achae'ans and Macedo- 
nians, the former endeavouring to extend the league, the 
latter struggling to maintain their former supremacy ; but 
under the guidance of Ara'tus the friends of liberty were 
every where successful ; and only for the envious opposition 
of the Lacedaemonians, Greece would probably have attained 
her former eminence and happiness. 5. This people, proud 
in their decay, looked with jealousy on the eminence of the 
Achaeans ; they remembered the time, when the entire Pe- 
loponnesus was subject to Sparta, and mistaking memory 
for hope, deemed themselves robbed of their right, when 
others possessed the swaj- (.0 which they fancied themselves 
entitled. 6. Civil commotions for some time prevented 
them from opposing the progress of Arams. Cleon'ymus 
b.c. > was irritated at his exclusion from the throne ; he 
272. 3 therefore applied for assistance to Pyrrhus, king of 
Epirus, who had just returned from his inglorious campaigns 
in Sicily and Italy.* 7. Pyrr'hus, with his usual rashness 
hurried into the Peloponne'sus, but he was defeated in an 
attempt to carry Sparta by assault, and slain in a similar at- 
tack upon Argos.t ' 8. Scarcely had Sparta recovered from 
this danger, when an attempt made by king Agis to restore 
the long neglected laws of Lycur'gus plunged the state into 
fresh calamities. His indecision enabled the wealthy part 
of the community to combine for the protection of their 
b.c. ~) riches, and the gallant king was murdered by the 
241.5 Eph'ori in prison. 9. His son-in-law and succes- 

* See Roman History, chap. XIII. sect. II. and Historical Miscellany, 
part II. chap. XI. 

■j- Pyrrhus was killed with a stone tumbled from a wall by a woman 
whose son he was attacking 



THE ACHAEAN LEAGUE. 311 




sors, Cleom'enes, pursued the same career as Agis, but 
with infinitely greater vigour ; he removed many of his op- 
ponents by assassination, and finally by the aid of the army 
completed a revolution, and restored the most important part 
of the institutions of Lycurgus. Sparta soon began to re- 
cover her former strength, and with it all her former ambi- 
tion. The Achse'an league was obviously the greatest 
impediment to the attainment of supremacy, and to dissolve 
the confederacy became the great object of Cleom'enes. 

10. About this time Deme'trius, son of Antig'onus, Cb.c. 
died, leaving the kingdom to his infant son Philip. { 229. 
The several princes in the Peloponnesus, who had hitherto 
maintained their power by the terror of the Macedonian 
name, could place little reliance on the assistance of a child, 
and therefore consented to unite in the Achee'an league. 
11. Every thing seemed to promise permanent tranquillity, 
when Cleom'enes having entered into alliance with the 
iEto'lians, denounced the confederacy, and by three suc- 
cessive victories reduced the Achseans almost to the brink 
of ruin. Ara'tus, seeing that the liberties of Greece were 
more endangered by the Spartans than the Macedonians, re- 
commended his countrymen to enter into alliance with the 
latter, and a treaty being concluded with the regent Antig'- 
onus, a Macedonian army under his command advanced to 
the Peloponne'sus, and broke through the isthmus in spite 
of all the resistance of Cleom'enes. 12. The war lasted 
about three years, and was terminated by the total defeat 
of the Spartans at Sella'sia, on the borders of Laco'nia 



312 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

b.c. ? Cleom'enes fled to Egypt, and died in exile. Antig'- 
222. 5 onus, having restored liberty to all the states, return- 
ed to Macedon. 

b.c. 7 13. The iEtolians were the first to disturb the 
220. 5 tranquillity which Antig'onus had established. This 
people, which the other Greeks looked on as barbarous, had 
not acquired any political importance, until the power ot 
Thebes, Athens, and Sparta, had been crushed by the Mace- 
donians, and Macedon itself wasted by civil wars. They 
then became formidable by their predatory expeditions into 
the defenceless states, and by the confidence which a belief 
in the security of their own mountainous country inspired. 
14. Under the most absurd pretexts they renewed the war 
with the Achseans, being covertly assisted by the perfidious 
Spartans, and more openly by the inhabitants of E'lis. 
Philip, king of Macedon, was placed at the head of the 
Achaean league, but the treachery of his own officers long 
impeded his exertions. At length, by following the coun- 
sels of Ara'tus, he was enabled to triumph over the iEtolians 
and their allies. 15. The news of the victories obtained by 
An'nibal* over the Romans inspired Philip with the hope 
of establishing his supremacy over Italy and Il'lyria ; he 
b.c. "> therefore granted peace to the iEtolians on favoura- 
217. 5 ble conditions, and began to prepare for a more dis- 
tant enterprise, by collecting a navy, and by strengthening 
the fortresses in western Macedonia. 

16. Without formally publishing a declaration of war, 
Philip made an abortive attempt to seize on the Roman fleet ; 
he was more successful in an invasion of Il'lyria, the greater 
part of which he annexed to his own dominions, and soon 
after he entered into a close alliance with Annibal and the 
Carthaginian republic. 17. Hitherto the conduct of Philip 
in Greece had been so just and honourable, that all the states 
looked upon him as their common benefactor ; but now his 
mind became corrupted by continued success, and he resolv- 
ed to make himself master of the entire country. Ara'tus 
still possessed some influence over his mind, and kept him 
from seizing on the fortress of Itho'me ; but Philip, weary 
of his virtuous adviser, poisoned him at a banquet, and 
thenceforward proceeded in a career of crime, which termi- 
nated in his ruin. The Achaeans honoured the remains of 
Ara'tus with a public funeral ; the Sicyonians erected a 
statue to his memory, and venerated him as something more 
* Sec Roman History, chap. XV. 



THE ACILEAN LEAGUE. 313 




Death of Aratus by poison.' 

t-.an mortal ; all Greece joined in mourning for his death, 
and execrating his murderer. 

18. The Romans, deeply engaged in the Cartha- C b.c. 
ginian war, even though Annibal was almost at their C 210. 
very gates, did not neglect to watch the rising power of 
Philip, and to take measures to prevent its progress. They 
succeeded in stimulating the ever-restless iEto'lians to renew 
the war, and purchased their alliance by the gift of several 
important places, which their united forces had wrested 
from the Acarna'nians. At'talus, king of Per'gamus, and 
the Lacedeemo'nians, soon joined the confederacy ; and 
about the same time Philip, by his vicious profligacy at the 
Neme'an games, disgusted his most faithful allies, the Achee'- 
ans. A desultory war was carried on for some time with 
various success, but the naval power of the confederates 
opened to them resources which enabled them speedily to 
retrieve their losses, while Philip was exhausted even by 
his victories. 19. Several circumstances, however, contri- 
buted to relieve him from his distress. At'talus was obliged 
to return to Asia, in order to defend his dominions against 
Pru'sias, king of Bithyn'ia ; the Romans were too much 
engrossed by the Carthaginian war to continue their exer- 
tions in Greece, and the Achas'ans, under the command of 
Philopce'men, had subdued the Lacedaemo'nians, and restored 
the tranquillity of the Peloponnesus. 

20. Philopue'men was a native of Megalop'olis, in Arca'"- 
dia ; from his earliest years he had been inured to a military 
life, and a charge of cavalry which he headed at Sella'sia is 
2D 



314 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

said to have greatly contributed to the success of the con- 
federates in that glorious battle. He afterwards served in 
Crete with distinguished success, but, on the renewal of the 
war in the Peloponne'sus he returned home, and being 
placed at the head of the cavalry, which had been long the 
worst part of the Achaean forces, soon made it the most effi- 
cient body of horse in Greece. 21. Sparta was at this time 
governed by the tyrant Machan'ides, who had raised himself 
to the throne by the assistance of the mercenary troops ; he 
had entered into strict alliance with the iEtolians, and had 
already committed fearful ravages on the lands of several 
Achaean states. Philopce'men being appointed general of 
b.c. "> the league, advanced against the tyrant, and the 
208. 5 armies came to an engagement near Mantinei'a, not 
far from the field where Epaminondas conquered and fell. 
The mercenaries of Machan'idas broke the troops opposed 
to them, and the tyrant, believing the victory secure, incon- 
siderately hurried on in the pursuit ; but Philopce'men ift 
the mean time routed the Spartans, whose lines were disor- 
dered, having forced their broken ranks by the close array 
of his phalanx, and then falling on the scattered mercenaries, 
cut them down without resistance. 22. Machan'idas hasted 
back, to retrieve, if possible, the fortunes of the day ; but 
while in the act of leaping a trench which the Achae'ans had 
cut to fortify their lines, he was slain by the hand of Philo- 
poemen, and most of the instruments of his tyranny were 
slaughtered without mercy. The Lacedaemo'nians were by 
this defeat reduced to such distress that they could no longer 
protect their own territories ; they submitted to the terms of 
peace dictated by the conquerors, and tranquillity was again 
restored to the Peloponnesus. 

b.c \ 23. The iEtolians thus deserted by all their allies, 
207. 3 made peace with Philip ; a Roman fleet which ar- 
rived after the preliminaries had been signed, failed in dis- 
turbing the arrangements, and the desultory war was termi- 
nated by a general pacification. 



Questions for Examination. 

I. When was the Achaean league restored? 

2 Under whose guidance was Sicyon joined to the confederacy 7 

3. What was the first enterprise of Aratus 1 

4. By whose jealousy were the beneficial effects of the Achatan Ieagu 

prevented 1 



FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR 315 

5 Why did the Lacedsemonians oppose the Achseans . 

6. What caused the civil wars in Sparta 1 

7. How did Pyrrhus die ] 

8. What effort of king Agis renewed the civil wars 1 

9. What enterprise did Cleomencs undertake 1 

10. Did the death of Antigonus strengthen the A chains'! 

11. What changes did the ambition of Cleomenes produce? 

12. How did the war terminate 1 

13. By what people was the war renewed ? 

14. By whom were the JEtolians subdued 1 

15. Why did Philip grant them favourable conditions of peace 1 

1 6. How did Philip provoke the resentment of the Romans 1 

17. Of what crimes was Philip guilty 1 

18. What enemies now harassed Philip ! 

19. What saved Philip from ruin 1 

20. Who was Philopoemen 1 

21. What great victory did Philopoemen obtain over the Spartans f 

22. What were the consequences of this victory 1 

23. How did the zEtolians act under these circumstances 1 



CHAPTER XVII. 

THE WARS BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND MACEDONIANS. 

The baffled prince in honour's flattering bloom 

O'f early greatness finds the fatal doom : 

His foes' derision and his subjects' blame. 

And steals to death from anguish and from shame. — Johnson 

1. The several revolutions which had taken place at 
Athens, joined to the superior power of the Macedonian 
kings, had completely destroyed all the former power of that 
city ; its colonies were subject to other masters, its com- 
merce was destroyed, and its harbours deserted. But the 
memory of its former fame, and still more the successful 
cultivation of literature and the fine arts, made it still 
respected, and induced the successors of Alexander to court 
the favour of a people, whose monopoly of literature made 
them the sole arbiters of fame. The kings of Egypt, Syria, 
and Thrace sent frequent donations of money and corn to 
the Athenian people, for which they were repaid by the 
most extravagant flattery ; and thus a state which had once 
ruled Greece, now became dependent almost for subsistence 
on the vanity of the neighbouring princes. 2. At'talus, 
king of Per'gamus, particularly distinguished himself by 
the liberality of his donations, and the honours lavished 
on him in return provoked the resentment of Philip, too 



316 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

avaricious to purchase similar praise for himself, but too 
envious to view it given to another with patience. 3. The 
ambitious desire of Pru'sias, king of Bithynia, the ally of 
Philip, to acquire some naval stations in the iE'gean, had 
already provoked the hostility of Attalus and the Rho'dians, 
and as he was notoriously aided by Philip, the war with 
Macedon was renewed. About the same time the Atheni- 
ans, having put to death two Acarna'nian youths for violat- 
ing the mysteries of Ce'res, were exposed to a fierce attack 
from their countrymen, who being aided by the Macedoni- 
ans, spread ruin through the entire of At'tica. 4. The 
Athenians in their distress applied to the Romans for assist- 
ance, and that people having just gloriously terminated the 
second Punic war, eagerly embraced an opportunity for ex 
tending their influence in Greece. Philip was not daunted 
<j.c. ~) by such a formidable confederacy ; he opened the 
200. 5 campaign by the siege of Aby'dos in Thrace, but 
met with most obstinate resistance. Though deserted by 
their allies, the Abydenes did not propose a capitulation 
until their walls lay in ruins, and when they could not ob- 
tain favourable terms, they preferred death to a surrender. 
5. The Roman auxiliaries did not arrive until the end of the 
autumn, but on their landing they vigorously commenced 
operations. Their first enterprise was the storming of 
Chal'sis in the island of Euboe'a, where Philip had deposited 
the greater part of his military stores. By the negligence 
of the garrison and the treachery of some of the townsmen, 
this important conquest was effected with little loss ; but 
the Romans sullied their victory by cruelly destroying the 
town and slaughtering the inhabitants. 6. Philip in re- 
venge made an unsuccessful attempt to surprise Athens ; 
when this failed he vented his rage on the villages of Attica, 
which he totally ruined, not even sparing the tombs and 
temples. 

7. During the winter Philip in vain attempted to secure 
the assistance of the Achaeans, by offering to assist them in 
subduing Na'bis, the successor of Machan'idas at Lacedae- 
mon. But though Na'bis was as cruel and as formidable as 
his predecessor, the murder of Ara'tus and the dread of the 
Roman power induced the Achieans to reject the proffers 
of their former ally. 8. The Romans were at first equally 
unsuccessful in procuring the assistance the ^Eto'lians, who 
believed that they had been deserted in the former war; 
hut the successes of the consul Flamin'ius, to whom the 



FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR. 317 

conduct of the ensuing campaigns was intrusted, soon in- 
duced them to change their minds, and the iEto'lians fear- 
fully devastated Thessaly. The battle which decided the 
fate of the war was fought at Cynosceph'alae, a place C b.c. 
named from the fancied resemblance of the hills by £ 197. 
which it is surrounded to the heads of dogs.* The engage- 
ment began by the accidental meeting of the outposts in a 
thick fog ; the skirmish grew momentarily more warm, as 
each party sent up reinforcements to the assistance of their 
van. The Macedonians were unfortunately in their order 
of march, while the Romans were drawn out in regular 
order of battle. Philip's right wing was at first successful, 
but his left and centre broke at the very first onset; the vic- 
torious wing was attacked in the rear before it had time to 
change its front, and a total rout ensued ; of the Macedo- 
nians, eight thousand were slain, and five thousand taken 
prisoners ; the loss of the Romans did not exceed seven 
hundred men. 

11. This decisive victory led to a peace, to the great in- 
dignation of the iEtolians, who ardently desired the total 
destruction of Philip, and were besides anxious to continue 
their plundering expeditions ; but Flamin'ius was now able 
to do without their assistance, and disregarded all their pro- 
testations. Several circumstances made it expedient to put 
an end to the war ; the Macedonians, though defeated, could 
still have continued a formidable resistance ; the Achaeans 
could scarcely be expected to view with patience the total 
destruction of their ancient ally, and above all, the rapidly 
increasing power of Anti'ochus, king of Syria, threatened 
the Romans with a more formidable competitor for empire 
than Philip had been in the days of his greatest prosperity. 

12. At the ensuing Isthmian games, the Roman C b.c. 
commissioners, who had been appointed to regulate C 196. 
the affairs of Greece, caused a proclamation to be made, that 
" the Romans having subdued Philip, restored to liberty all 
the states which had been hitherto tributary to the Macedo- 
nians." The voice of the herald was drowned by the 
applauses of the multitude; the games passed over unheeded, 
while the spectators indulged in dreams of returning liberty 
and happiness. They had yet to learn that the freedom 
which is held by the uncertain tenure of another's will, is 
scarcely worth having. 

13. Flaminius appears to have been sincere in his pro- 

2d2 



318 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Cessions of attachment to Greece ; he wrested Argos from 
the tyranny of Na'bis, and endeavoured, though ineffectu 
ally, to drive him from Lacedaemon ; but all his efforts to 
conciliate the iEto'lians failed ; they thought that their 
interests had been neglected in the late treaty, and were 
enraged at the ingratitude of their ancient ally. 14. Their 
own strength was insufficient to cope with the power of 
Rome, but they hoped to unite Antiochus, Philip, and the 
Spartans in a confederacy for the independence of Greece, 
and they would probably have succeeded but for the base 
treachery which characterized all their proceedings. 15. As 
Na'bis, at their persuasion, had engaged in an unsuccessful 
war with the Achseans, he made frequent applications to the 
iEtolians for assistance ; a body of troops was accordingly 
sent to Sparta with secret orders to join in any enterprise 
that their commander should dictate, even though it should 
be apparently inconsistent with the professed object of their 
expedition. The enterprise was the murder of Na'bis, 
which was put in execution while the tyrant was reviewing 
his army ; but the iEtolian general, instead of conciliating 
the Spartans by proclaiming freedom, proceeded to plunder 
the royal treasures. 16. This was too much for the citizens 
to bear ; they took up arms, and slaughtered the iEto'lians 
without mercy. In the mean time Philopoemen, on the first 
b.c. 7 news of the event, marched to Lacedaemon, and 
191. 5 partly by threats, partly by promises, persuaded the 
citizens to join the Achae'an league. Thus the treachery 
of the iEtolians had no other effect than to strengthen the 
power of their enemies. 

17. Anti'ochus had not forgotten the insulting manner in 
which the Romans had interfered to check his career of con- 
quest, but the defeatof Philip terrified him into the conceal- 
ment of his resentment. While he was yet deliberating on 
the propriety of war, An'nibal, whom his ungrateful country 
had driven into exile, arrived at his court, and finally per- 
suaded him to commence war. 18. Instead of adopting the 
judicious advice of Annibal, and attacking the Romans in 
Italy, he wasted precious time in endeavouring to procure 
the assistance of some minor Grecian states. He gained 
abundance of promises from the Thessalians, Bceotians, and 
iEtolians, but on the approach of a Roman army under the 
command of the consul Gla'brio, he found that his allies either 
would or could not send him the promised contingents, while 
his alliance with them had induced the Macedonians and 



FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR. 319 




Philopoemen surprised in a defile. 



Achaeans to join his enemies. 19. After a series of manoeu- 
vres, which showed him to be as deficient in military as po- 
litical skill, he posted himself at the straits of Thermopylae, 
and was there totally defeated. He immediately fled from 
Greece, leaving 1 the Romans to treat his allies as they thought 
proper. In the following year he was defeated in Asia by 
Corne'lius Scip'io, and compelled to beg peace on the most 
humiliating conditions. 20. The iEtolians, being thus left 
alone, sought pardon from the irritated Romans, which after 
much difficulty and delay was granted ; the terms C b.c. 
that they obtained were, however, less severe than C 190 
might have been expected, but they were sufficiently harsn, 
to show that the Romans were resolved to retain the su- 
premacy of Greece, and to punish all who ventured to resist 
their sway. 21. The Lacedaemonians, though nominally 
united to the Achaean league, still retained a deep sense of 
their degradation, and resolved to take the first opportunity 
of restoring to Sparta the supremacy of the Laconian cities. 
They made an attack by night on one of the towns on the sea- 
coast, and though they were defeated, the attempt created 
such alarm in Laco'nia, that an appeal was made to the 
Achaeans. The consul Ful'vius endeavoured to prevent the 
war, by advising both parties to refer the arbitration of then 
disputes to the senate at Rome ; but the answer of the senate 
was couched in such ambiguous terms that the Achaeans 
thought themselves at liberty to act as they pleased, and 
forthwith sent a numerous army against Sparta under the 
command of Philopce'men. 22. The Lacedaemonians were 



320 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

obliged to surrender at discretion, a great number of their 
b.c. ") leading men were slain by the exiles who had joined 
191. 5 the invading army, and the laws of Lycurgus, which 
they had ever looked on as the great source of their strength, 
were totally abolished. 23. The Romans believed, or pre- 
tended to believe, that too much severity had been shown 
to the Lacedaemo'nians, and compelled the Achaeans to 
restore those whom they had driven into exile ; but this 
humanity was a mere pretext to conceal their jealousy of 
the Achaean confederacy, on which now rested the last hopes 
of Grecian independence. 24. Soon after the city of Mes- 
se'ne revolted from the league, with the tacit approbation of 
the Romans, and Philopce'men was sent to reduce it to obe- 
dience. In passing through a defile, the aged general was 
b.c. "> unfortunately surprised, and made prisoner. He 
183. S was sent to Messe'ne under a strong guard, but the 
magistrates of the city, dreading his influence with the peo- 
ple, ordered him to be immediately put to death. 25. Thus 
fell the last of the long list of Grecian heroes, at the mo- 
ment when his country stood most in need of his abilities. 
His valour had subdued the enemies of the Achaeans in the 
Peloponnesus, and his political wisdom had shielded them 
from the still greater danger of affording the Romans a pre- 
tence for interfering in their domestic arrangements ; though 
living in a democratic government, he did not court the favour 
of the people, and yet always commanded their respect, and 
during the forty years that he managed the affairs of govern- 
ment, his integrity was never even suspected. 26. The 
Achaeans soon avenged the murder of their favourite general ; 
the Messe'nians were compelled to surrender to a numerous 
army, commanded by Lycor'tas ; all that had participated 
in the crime were put to death, and the city was reunited to 
the confederacy. 

27. While these events were occurring in the Pelopon- 
nesus, the state of affairs in northern Greece boded a speedy 
termination to the peace between Rome and Macedon. At 
the conclusion of the former war, Philip had sent his son 
Demetrius as a hostage to Rome, where the young prince 
soon became a universal favourite ; in consequence of 
Philip's fidelity during the war with Antio'chus, all the 
Macedonian hostages were set at liberty, and Demetrius 
returned home. But the favour shown to the young prince 
had excited the jealous suspicions of Philip, which the arti- 
fices of his other son, Perseus, continually increased, until 



SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR. 32] 

at length the king ordered his unfortunate son to be poisoned. 
28. The brief remainder of Philip's days were imbittered by 
remorse; he soon learned the innocence of Deme'trius and 
the guilt of Perseus; he knew that his subjects hated him 
for his tyrannical government, the Romans were eagerly 
seeking an opportunity to attack him, and his son Per'seus 
was notoriously eager for the moment of his dissolution. 
The anxiety and agony of mind produced by these combined 
causes was too much to bear ; he was seized with a mortai 
disease, and died unlamented. 

29. Immediately after his accession to the throne, c b.c. 
Perseus sent an embassy to Rome, which was ho- c 180. 
nourably received. He then laboured, and not without suc- 
cess, to efface the memory of his crimes from the minds 
both of his own subjects and the other Greeks; but in spite 
of all his caution there were occasional bursts of violence 
which showed that his gentleness of disposition was only 
assumed, to answer a particular purpose. The Romans 
soon discovered that a new contest for the supremacy of 
Greece was impending, and exerted all their influence to 
prevent the Macedonian monarch from being received into 
alliance with the Achaeans. In this they were seconded by 
Eu'menes, king of Per'gamus, the hereditary enemy of the 
Macedonian house, and a long diplomatic contest was the 
prelude to fiercer and more destructive hostilities. The 
Achaeans rejected the alliance of Perseus, but he had more 
success with some of the minor states, and besides he saw 
that the native resources of his kingdom had been retrieved 
during the long interval of tranquillity that followed the 
defeaf of Philip. 

30. War was at length declared by the Roman r b.c. 
senate, an army ordered to be levied under the com- £ 172. 
mand of the consul Licin'ius, and commissioners sent into 
Greece to exhort the allies to preserve their fidelity. At 
this important crisis the courage of Per'seus began to fail, 
he solicited a truce from the commissioners, which, as the 
Romans had not completed their preparations, was readily 
granted, but his offers of peace were rejected, and he had 
the additional mortification to see the Roman party triumph 
in Bceo'tia, while the truce prevented him from bringing 
assistance to his friends. 31. The consul soon landed with 
his army, and advanced through Epi'rus into Thessaly, where 
he was joined by Eu'menes and some other auxiliaries. 
Some indecisive engagements followed, in which Per'seus, 



322 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

on the whole, had the advantage, but he neglected to follow 
up his success, and showed his timidity by repeatedly send- 
ing embassies to solicit peace, while the Romans rose in 
their demands after every reverse of fortune. The war lin- 
gered in the three following campaigns, the generals sent 
out by the Romans showed but little skill, and the commis- 
sioners disgusted the allies by their pride and avarice ; on 
the other side, Per'seus neglected many opportunities of 
attacking his enemies when their rashness exposed them to 
certain defeat, and failed in obtaining the aid of any allies, 
except the barbarous Illyrians. 

b.c. 7 32. At length the conduct of the Macedonian war 
168. 5 was intrusted to the consul Lucius iEmil'ius Paul'- 
us, a warrior of distinguished abilities. He first sent the 
praetor Anutius into Illyria, by whom that kingdom was 
totally subdued in thirty days. iEmilius himself advanced 
into Macedonia, and found Perseus strongly intrenched on 
the banks of the river Enip'eus. The Romans were unable 
to force the enemies' lines, but a detachment which had 
been sent over Mount Olympus having surprised the Mace- 
donian guard, Perseus found his position no longer tenable, 
and therefore retreated to Pyd'na. 33. The consul soon 
followed him, but the caution of the two commanders de- 
layed for a time a decisive engagement. While the armies 
lay encamped in sight of each other, the Macedonians were 
terrified by an eclipse of the moon, which they supersti- 
tiously believed to forebode the ruin of their kingdom ; the 
Romans were not affected with similar fear, for Gal'lus, one 
of their officers, was sufficiently acquainted with science to 
calculate the time of its occurrence and explain its cause, 
34. On the following day accident brought on an engage- 
ment, in which Perseus was totally defeated, and more than 
twenty thousand of his soldiers slain. Within a few days 
after the battle all Macedonia submitted to the conqueror, 
and its wretched monarch, after many vain attempts to es- 
cape, was forced to yield himself a prisoner. He was taken 
to Rome by the consul, and led as a captive in his triumphal 
procession, after which he was thrown into prison, where 
grief soon terminated his miserable life. 






SUBJUGATION OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 323 

Questions for Examination. 

1. What was the condition of Athens at this time ? 

2. Why was Philip jealous of Attalus ? 

3. What circumstances brought on a new war? 

4. How did Philip begin the war ? 

5. By what means did the Romans capture Chalcis ? 

6. How did Philip attempt to take revenge ? 

7. Why did the Achsans refuse the alliance of Philip ? 

8. What induced the iEtolians to join the Romans'! 

9. Where was the fate of the war decided ? 

10. How was the battle won ? 

1 1 . Why was Flaminius anxious to conclude the war ? 

12. Did the Romans on this occasion obtain the gratitude of the 

Greeks ? 

13. How does it appear that Flaminius was sincere ? 

14. What new confederacy was formed against the Romans ? 

15. Of what treachery were the iEtolians guilty ? 

16. What was the result of this treachery ? 

17. By whose persuasion did Antiochus renew the war ? 

18. Of what errors was Antiochus guilty ? 

19. How did the war terminate ? 

20. How were the ^Etolians treated by the Romans ? 

21. What caused a fresh war between the Achseans and Spartans ? 

22. How were the Lacedaemonians treated ? 

23. Did the Romans interfere in these transactions? 

24. What circumstances caused the murder of Philopoemen ? 

25. What was his character ? 

26. Did the Achseans avenge his death ? 

27. Why did Philip put his son Demetrius to death ? 

28. What was the consequence of this crime ? 

29. What led to the second Macedonian war? 

30 How did Perseus show his incapacity in the very outset? 

31. In what manner was the war conducted ? 

32. Where did ^Emilius bring Perseus to an engagement ? 

33. What curious circumstance took place before the decisive battle ? 

34. How was the second Macedonian war terminated ? 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

SUBJUGATION OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 

In the cause of right engaged, 

Wrongs injurious to redress ; 
Honour's war they boldly waged, 

But the heavens denied success. — Burns. 

1. The Epi'rotes had revolted from the Romans, in the 
beginning of the war, and were now by the defeat of Per- 
seus left totally at the mercy of the consul. iEmilius at 
first received their submission, but soon after by order of the 



324 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

senate he gave up all their cities to be pillaged, and reduced 
the inhabitants to slavery. The soldiers sent to execute this 
barbarous decree, timed their departure so well, that the 
desolation commenced at the same time in every part of 
Epi'rus. Thus in one day seventy cities were destroyed, 
and 150,000 men sold as slaves ; an instance of atrocious 
revenge not to be paralleled in history. 

2. Macedo'nia,Thes'saly, and Epi'rus, being reduced into 
a Roman province, though permitted to retain a qualified 
independence, the Achaeans next engaged the attention of 
the ambitious republic. The senate began secretly to 
encourage some of the Peloponnesian states to withdraw 
from the confederacy, and prohibited the Achaeans from 
attempting to bring them back by force of arms. The 
popular indignation at this unmerited display of hostility 
was violent in all the Achaean cities, but the nobility, who 
knew well the overwhelming power of Rome, were unwill- 
ing to risk the hazard of a contest. 3. At length Critola'- 
us, who had been always remarkable for his hatred of foreign 
influence, being chosen general of the league, the long-con- 
cealed hostility terminated in open war. Metel'lus, who 
had been sent to quell a rebellion in Macedon, raised by an 
impostor named Andris'cus, who pretended to be the son of 
Per'seus, sent an embassy to the Achaeans which was treat- 
ed with contempt. 4. He then marched his forces into 
Phthio'tis, a province of Thes'saly, where Critola'us was 
besieging Heraclei'a, a city that had revolted from the league. 
On the approach of the Roman army, the Achaean general 
retreated through the straits of Thermop'ylae, where he did 
not even attempt to make a stand ; but notwithstanding his 
precipitation he was overtaken near Scarphe'ia in eastern 
Lo'cris, and forced to come to an engagement, in which his 
army was totally defeated and himself slain. 5. This victory 
was followed by the submission of all Hellas, and Metellus 
was about to lead his victorious army into the Peloponne- 
sus, when he was obliged to resign his command to the 
consul Mum'mius, and return to his Macedonian province. 
b.c -£ 6. Di'aeus, who had succeeded Critola'us, con- 
1 17. 5 centrated his forces in Corinth, which Mummius 
immediately invested. Some slight success obtained by the 
negligence of the besiegers, induced the Achaeans to venture 
on a pitched battle, in which they were totally defeated. 
Di'aeus fled to Megalop'olis, where he died by his own 
hand ; the garrison, deserted by their leader, abandoned the 






SUBJUGATION OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 325 

city in the night, and Mummius became master of Corinth 
without any further opposition. 7. But this did not save 
the unfortunate city from total ruin ; by command of the 
consul all the men were slain, the woman and children made 
slaves, all the works of art that adorned the temples and 
public buildings sent as trophies to Rome, and those edifices 
which had so long attracted universal admiration, levelled 
with the ground. A heap of ruins alone remained to tell 
where Corinth stood. 

8. From this time forward Greece became a Roman pro- 
vince, governed by an annual magistrate ; the states however 
preserved their own laws, and separate jurisdiction, and 
were treated rather as tributary allies than as subjects. 
Sparta and the Peloponnesian states soon sunk into insigni- 
ficance, and were forgotten; but the literary fame of Athens 
still preserved her celebrity, and that city soon became the 
university whither all the studious youth in the extensive 
dominions of Rome flocked for instruction. 

9. The Grecian states were divided by the Romans into 
two provinces, Achaia and Macedonia : the inhabitants of 
the states seem to have lost all their energy with their liberty, 
for during a long period after the capture of Corinth, the 
name of Greece scarcely occurs in history. At length a 
formidable enemy to the Romans sprang up in the east, and, 
fatally for themselves, induced many of the Grecian states 
to embrace his cause. This was Mithrida'tes, king of 
Pontus, on the norrti-eastern shores of the Euxine C b.c. 
sea. The character of Mithrida'tes is only known C 87. 
to us through the writings of his enemies, and we must 
therefore receive with caution the accounts of the crimes ■ 
which are said to have stained the commencement of his 
reign. His abilities are incontestable, since with all the 
disadvantages of cowardly soldiers, treacherous generals, and 
faithless allies, he was able to maintain a doubtful contest 
with Rome at the time of its greatest strength, and when its 
armies were headed by such generals as Syl'la, Lucul'lus, 
and Pompey. His literary talents are said to have been 
of a very superior order : historians tell us that he could 
speak and write twenty-four languages ; a book on Botany 
is ascribed to him, and an antidote which he is said to have 
discovered still retains his name. 

11. The avarice and cruelty of the Roman governors in 
Asia Minor, had made the whole nation so unpopular, that 
Mithridates, on publishing his declaration of war, received 
2 E 



326 HISTORY OF GREECE. 

offers of assistance from all sides. He issued a circular to 
the Asiatic cities, commanding the massacre of all the 
Italians who resided in the east ; his orders were strictly 
obeyed, and in one day eighty thousand Latins were assas- 
sinated. 12. The Roman proconsul having assembled the 
forces of the provinces, hastened to check his progress, but 
his army was routed with dreadful slaughter, and all Western 
Asia fell under the dominion of Mithrida'tes. Europe next 
engaged the attention of the king ; he scoured the iEgean 
sea with a powerful fleet, and sent a large army through 
Thrace and Macedonia into Greece. 13. The Athenians, 
who had been fined by the Roman senate for some unknown 
cause, eagerly embraced the cause of Mithrida'tes : they ex- 
pected from him the restoration of their beloved democracy, 
and eagerly solicited the king's general, Archela'us, to 
advance to the city. A great part of the nobility, foreseeing 
the impending storm, fled to Italy ; the remainder were 
either murdered by the populace, or given up as prisoners to 
the king of Pontus. 

14. When the news of these events reached Itaiy, the 
senate resolved to give the conduct of the war to Sylla, the 
favourite leader of the aristocracy ; the people were equal- 
ly anxious to make Marius general, and the disputed com 
mand produced a civil war, which terminated in the appoint- 
ment of Sylla. 15. When the Roman general arrived in 
Greece, he received the submission of most of the states , 
but the Athenians boldly set him at defiance. Aris'tion, a 
leading demagogue, undertook the defence of the city, while 
Archela'us shut himself up in the Peirseus. Sylla advanced 
. to besiege the city, incensed at the audacity of the inhabi- 
tants in thus daring to resist the Roman power, and still 
more irritated by a personal insult which had been offered 
to himself. He was vain of his personal appearance, which 
however had been disfigured by riot and intemperance ; this 
was too good an opportunity for a jest to escape the laughter- 
loving Athenians — they produced several epigrams on the 
occasion, one of which stated 

" Sylla's face is a mulberry sprinkled with meal ;" 

a piece of wit for which they were destined to suffer very 
severely. 

b.c. } 16. The first attack of Sylla was made on the long 
86. ^ walls that joined the Peirae'us to Athens. This en- 
terprise was successful, and the communication with tiie 



SUBJUGATION OF GREECE BY THE ROMANS. 327 

harbour being cut off, famine soon began to rage in the city. 
The insolence and tyranny of Aris'tion increased the hor- 
rors of hunger, and it was not without difficulty that he was 
persuaded to send an embassy to Sylla, to treat about a 
capitulation. 17. The deputies sent on this occasion ad- 
dressed a long speech to the consul on the ancient glories 
of Athens, the exploits of Theseus, and the events of the 
Persian war; but Sylla cut them short by declaring that 
" he came not to study rhetoric, but to punish rebels." 

18. Aris'tion dreading the vengeance of Sylla, resolved after 
the return of his ambassadors to defend the city to the last ; 
he even put to death all those whom he suspected of an 
inclination to surrender. At length Sylla captured the city 
by a night-attack on a part of the wall which had been 
left unguarded, and a fearful scene of massacre ensued. 

19. The soldiers spared neither sex nor age ; blood flowed 
in streams through the gates of the city ; many killed them- 
selves to avoid the cruelty of the enemy ; it was not with- 
out ihe most earnest supplications that the Athenian exiles, 
aided by all the Roman senators in the camp, prevailed on 
the general to give orders that the slaughter should cease, 
and that a miserable remnant should be permitted to wander 
through the once powerful city. 

20. The Peirae'us was taken shortly after the capture of 
Athens, and Archela'us, after a vain attempt to make a 
stand in Munych'ia, retired into Bceo'tia. Hither he was 
pursued by Sylla ; the armies met on the plains of Chaero- 
nei'a, where Philip of Macedon had before crushed the 
liberties of Greece ; the battle was obstinate and bloody, 
but the superior discipline of the Romans finally prevailed, 
and Archelaus fled with his shattered forces to the Helles- 
pont. A second army sent out by Mithrida'tes shared the 
same fate, and Sylla passed over into Asia to continue the 
war. Repeated reverses induced Mithrida'tes to sue for 
peace, which Sylla granted the more readily, as the C b.c. 
triumph of the Marian faction at Rome made him I 84. 
eager to return to Italy. 

21. The war with Mithrida'tes was subsequently renewed, 
but as Greece bore no share in the contest, it is sufficient to 
state here, that after a protracted resistance, and many 
changes of fortune, the unfortunate king was stripped of all 
his dominions, and could only escape from being dragged in 
triumph as a captive by suicide. 22. In the civil wars 
between Csesar and Pompey, the Greeks for the most part 



323 THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 

sided with the latter, but when the fate of the world was 
decided at Pharsa'lia, they submitted to Caesar without a 
struggle, and were treated with great lenity. After the death 
of Caesar, we find the Athenians eagerly supporting the 
party of Brutus and Cassius, whose statues they erected 
next to those of Harmodius and Aristogei'ton, but after the 
battle of Philippi they surrendered to the triumvirs, and 
seem to have met with unexpected and unusual clemency. 



Quest io?is for Examination. 

1. How were the Epirotes treated by the Romans ? 

2. In what manner did the Romans endeavour to weaken the Achreans ? 

3. How did the war between the Acheeans and Romans begin ? 

4. What reverses did Critolaus meet ? 

5. Who next assumed the command of the Roman army ? 

6. How was Corinth taken ? 

7. In what manner were the inhabitants treated by Mummius ? 

8. How was Greece governed by the Romans ? 

9. By whom were the Greeks induced to revolt ? 

1 0. What was the character of Mithridates ? 

1 1 . Why were the atrocious orders of Mithridates readily obeyed ? 

12. Did Mithridates obtain any successes? 

13. By what Grecian state was he joined ? 

14. Whom did the Romans send against Mithridates ? 

15. How did the Athenians provoke the resentment of Sylla? 

1 6. What compelled the Athenians to capitulate ? 

17. How did Sylla treat the deputies? 

18. By what means was the city taken ? 

19. In what manner were the inhabitants treated 

20. How was this war terminated ? 

21. What became of Mithridates? 

22. What part did the Greeks take in the Roman civil wars ? 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 

Down sinks the day ; the twilight's haze 

Is fiery with that bottle's blaze ; 

For there with musket, spear, and knife, 

Greece rights the desperate fight lor life ! — Jlnon. 

1. The subjugation of Greece by the Romans* is the last 
event usually recorded by the historians of that country; for 

* The history of Greece under the dominion of Rome is totally desti- 
tute of importance ; the few incidental notices contained in the later 
historians are vague and unsatisfactory, and the few public transactions 
recorded are mere petty disputes about tribute. The different states 



THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 329 

nearly two thousand years, the name remained blotted from 
the list of nations, and the country continued subject to a 
succession of despotic rulers, whose tyranny exhausted the 
soil and demoralized the inhabitants. But a new era is now 
about to commence ; Greece, so long degraded and debased, 
has burst the bonds by which she was enthralled, and the 
historian may now turn from the contemplation of her fall 
to view the brighter prospects opened by her late regene- 
ration. It has been, therefore, deemed expedient to conclude 
this volume with a brief sketch of modern Grecian history, 
and furnish the youthful student with a short account of the 
present state of a people, whose ancient history has occu- 
pied so large a share of his interest and attention. 

After the division of the Roman dominions into the 
Eastern and Western empires, Greece became a part of the 
former, and shared in all its changes of fortune. 2. Some 
short time before the crusades, several Sicilian and Norman 
adventurers established themselves on the sea- coasts, and 
erected the neighbouring districts into principalities, from 
which they took the titles of dukes and counts. When a 
Latin empire was established at Constantinople, in the fourth 
crusade, the number of these feudal lords was greatly in- 
creased ; but as they had no principle of union, these petty 

seem to have preserved their own laws and customs, but an appeal lay 
from their tribunals to the provincial governor, and in his hands was 
lodged the power of life and death. When St. Paul travelled through 
the country we find the native magistrates totally destitute of power, 
complaints being made to Gallio, the Roman deputy, and not to any of 
the Achsean rulers. From the same source we obtain some glimpse 
of the state of Athens and Corinth ; but Thebes and Sparta seem to 
have sunk into insignificance. Athens was the favourite residence of the 
philosophers, and the seat of all the learning of the period. Its inhabit- 
ants were still as lively and as restless as their ancestors, but literature 
occupied their attention instead of politics. 

" For all the Athenians, and strangers which were there, spent their 
time in nothing else but either to tell or to hear some new thing." Acts 
xvii. 21. 

In consequence of listening to continued disputes, the Athenians had 
become a more tolerant people than they were when Anaxagoras was 
exiled, and Socrates sentenced to death. The apostle, though described 
as a " setter-forth of strange gods," the very words of the charge against 
Socrates, was heard with attention, and even permitted to make converts. 
Under the emperors Athens seems to have been more favourably treated 
than any other provincial city. Nero, through ambition of literary fame, 
repaid the flatteries of the Athenians by splendid donations ; — Adrian 
restored the laws of Solon, and completed several of the public buildings 
which still remained unfinished. 

2 e 2 



330 THE MODERN* HISTORY OF GREECE. 

states soon fell into decay, and Greece once more returned 
under the sovereignty of the Byzan'tine emperors. 3. The 
followers of Moham'med had in the very first century of their 
victorious career wrested Syria from the eastern empire, 
and progressively mastered the Asiatic provinces one after 
another. The condition of the empire, and the vices of its 
subjects were such, indeed, that we may well be surprised 
at the length of time which elapsed before its ruin was 
finally consummated ; and had not the successive Tartar 
invasions given sufficient employment to the Moham'medans 
in Asia, Constantinople would have fallen before the termi- 
nation of the crusades.* 4. Nor would this ruin have been 
averted by the interference of any of the other Christian 
states ; for in consequence of some slight difference in their 
respective creeds, the followers of the eastern and western 
churches hated each other more cordially than either did the 
infidels. During the crusades, the Greek, emperors fre- 
quently betrayed the Latin adventurers, and the latter in 
their turn looked on the Greeks with equal contempt and 
detestation. 5. When at length the Turkish power was 

a.d. "> consolidated under Othman or Ottoman, the rich 
1352. 5 provinces of the Grecian empire became the prey 
of that warlike chieftain. His conquests were extended by 
his successors, who subdued all the northern provinces that 
form the present kingdom of Turkey, and made Adrianople 
the capital of their dominions. 6. The fate of Constanti- 
nople was for a time averted by the conquests of Timour 
or Tamerlane in Asia, which compelled the Turkish sultan 
to provide for the safety of that part of his dominions ; and 
by the valour of Scanderbeg, the king of Epirus. The de- 
struction of the Grecian empire might probably have been 
averted, if Scanderbeg had possessed resources equal to his 
skill and courage ; but unfortunately he could never assemble 
more than a handful of followers, and all appeals to the 
Greeks to join him in struggling for independence were dis- 
regarded. After his death, the Turks, believing him some- 
thing more than mortal, made relics of his bones, and wore 
them as a preservative against danger. 

a.d. ") 7. Mohammed II., the most warlike of the 
1453. 5 Turkish sultans, resolved to complete the overthrow 
of the Greek empire, and laid siege to Constantinople. 
The defence of the city was obstinate ; Constantine, its last 

* See Historical Miscellany, part III. chap. VIII. 



THE MODERN HISTORY OF CREECE. 331 

soveieign, a prince equally conspicuous for piety and valour, 
showed himself most worthy of his crown at the moment 
when he was about to lose it for ever ; the garrison seconded 
the labours of their gallant leader ; the citizens fought 
bravely in defence of their families and homes. But aU 
was in vain ; the Turks having conveyed their galleys over 
land, launched them in the harbour of Constantinople, and 
the city was at the same moment attacked with overwhelm- 
ing forces both by sea and land. On the 29th of May, the 
fatal assault was given, Constantine fell gallantly fighting to 
the last, and the eastern empire was no more. 8. The 
Turks, on this as on all other occasions, treated the van- 
quished with the most remorseless cruelty, and murdered 
them by thousands in cold blood. The rest of Greece soon 
shared the fate of the capital, and except a few wanderers, 
who took shelter in the mountain-fastnesses, the entire 
country became subject to the Mohammedans. 

9. In the latter end of the seventeenth century, the Vene- 
tians acquired great power in the iEgean sea, and made 
themselves masters of the Morea or southern peninsula of 
Greece, anciently called the Peloponnesus. Though boast- 
ing of their republican constitution, the Venetians treated 
their Greek subjects very tyrannically, and when they were 
driven from their conquests at the beginning of the eighteenth 
century by the Turks, there was little reason for the inhabit- 
ants of the Morea to lament the change of masters. 

10. The gradual decline of the Turkish empire during 
the last and present century is sufficiently obvious. By 
obstinately adhering to the institutions of their ancestors, 
the Turks have remained stationary, while the nations around 
them have been rapidly advancing ; and were it not for the 
mutual jealousy of the European sovereigns, they would 
long since have been driven back to the deserts of their 
forefathers. The Greeks still preserved in their bondage 
the memory of their former national glory, but the jealous 
tyranny by which they were deprived of the use of arms 
rendered all their aspirations for freedom vain. Their con- 
dition indeed was the most wretched that can be conceived ; 
the meanest Turk insulted the most honourable Greek with 
impunity; their properties, their lives, the honour of their 
wives and children, depended on the caprice of ferocious 
barbarians, who hesitated not to commit the vilest outrages 
in mere wantonness. If under such circumstances the Greek 
character became sullied by treachery and cunning, let it be 



.332 THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 

remembered, that stern necessity leaves no other means of 
defence in the power of a slave. The Greeks were suffi- 
ciently sagacious to perceive the decay of the Turkish power 
in the middle of the last century, and even at that early 
period projects for obtaining independence appear to have 
been formed. 11. When Catherine II. empress of Russia, 
went to war with Turkey, she incited the Greeks to revolt ; 
an invitation which, unfortunately for themselves, they 

a.d. -£ obeyed. The Russians made peace with the Porte, 
1792. 3 but entered into no stipulations in behalf of their 
allies. The Turks consequently massacred, without inter- 
ruption and without mercy, innumerable multitudes of the 
Greeks ; nor was their vengeance limited to those who had 
taken a share in the insurrection ; women and children were 
murdered as well as soldiers, and the entire extermination 
of the Greek nation was prevented only by the dread of 
losing the capitation-tax, which the Turkish government 

a.d. 7 levies on its Christian subjects. 12. The invasion 
1798. 3 of Egypt by the French produced some abortive 
attempts at revolt in the Morea, which were punished with 
the usual barbarous severity; the extermination of the 
Greeks was a second time proposed, and a second time 

a.d. -£ Turkish avarice prevailed over Turkish cruelty. 
1800. 3 13. The first great insurrection which shook the 
Ottoman power was that of the Servians; they were headed 
by Georges Petrowich, more usually named Czerni (i. e. 
Black) George, from the colour of his hair. This fierce 
leader of insurrection had been in his early youth obliged 
to fly from his country, in consequence of his having mur- 
dered a Turk, by whom he had been insulted. He entered 
into the Austrian service, but never attained higher rank than 
that of sergeant. His call on his countrymen to shake oil 
the yoke was enthusiastically obeyed, and so successful 
were his efforts, that in 1806 he became master of Belgrade. 

14. The war with Russia, which broke out in the following 
year, afforded the Servians great opportunities of securing 
their freedom, but the Russians were soon obliged to with- 
draw their forces, in order to repel the French invasion. A 

a.d. ) treaty was concluded with Turkey, by which the 
1812. 5 Servians were abandoned to their fate; overwhelm- 
ing forces were sent against them, and Czerni George, after 
a brave but useless resistance, fled for safety to Russia. 

15. The Turks, as usual, made a cruel use of their success, 
and on this occasion added perfidy to their barbarity ; for in 



THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 333 




Greeks in 1812. 



order to entice their victims into their power, an amnesty 
was published, and all those who returned on the faith of 
it were cruelly put to death. Czerni George attempted to 
renew the war in 1817, but was betrayed to the Turks, and 
instantly executed. 

16. The Greeks had sunk into a state of ignorance almost 
as brutal as that of their oppressors, but towards the close 
of the last century a taste for literature began to spread 
through the nation, and impatience of the Turkish yoke 
gained strength with the advance of knowledge. The pa- 
triotic songs of Rhigas, whom the oppressors put to death, 
were circulated among the peasantry, and made them ripe 
for revolt. A confederacy of the higher ranks, called the 
Hetaeri'a, (society,) was formed for the ostensible purpose 
of diffusing knowledge, but really with a view to establish 
Grecian independence. The year 1825 was chosen for 
making the grand attempt, as by that time the members cal- 
culated that their preparations would have arrived at suffi- 
cient maturity. 

17. Circumstances, however, precipitated the r a.d. 
commencement of the revolt. The celebrated Ali £ 1820. 
Pacha of Jannina, having subdued the Suliotes, who had till 
then preserved their independence in the mountain-fastnesses 
of Epirus, and having obtained possession of Parga, the 
last retreat of Grecian freedom, thought himself sufficiently 
strong to resist the sultan, and commenced a civil war. 
The Greeks saw with pleasure their oppressors wasting 
each other's strength, and had the additional gratification of 



334 THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 

being courted by both parties. In the course of the war 
several Grecian troops were organized and armed ; but the 
Turks soon became aware of the error they had committed, 
and prepared to retrace their steps. 18. The Hetxerists 
saw that no time was to be lost, and having chosen prince 
Alexander Ipsilanti as their leader, resolved immediately to 
commence the war. Ipsilanti was at the time an officer in 
the Russian service, and it is doubtful whether his enterprise, 
though subsequently denounced, was not tacitly approved 
by that government. 19. On the 6th of March, 1821, lie 
crossed the Pruth, and erected the standard of revolt in 
Moldavia. About the same time an adventurer named Theo- 
dore Vladimiresco, had revolted in Wallachia, and obtained 
possession of a great part of the province; he joined his 
forces to those of Ipsilanti, but being soon detected in a 
treasonable correspondence with the enemy, he was de- 
servedly executed. But there were more traitors than one 
in the army of Ipsilanti ; on the 17th of June he was 
attacked by a Turkish army, and owing to the treachery of 
some generals, and the cowardice of others, was totally de- 
feated. In this unfortunate battle, The Sacred Band, con- 
sisting of four hundred youthful students, the pride and the 
hope of Greece, refusing to yield or retreat, fell bravely as 
their predecessors had done on the fatal field of ChaBronei'a. 
20. Ipsilanti retreated into the Austrian dominions, intending 
to pass into southern Greece, where the flame of insurrection 
had already broken out, but he was seized on by the Aus- 
trian government, and detained as a prisoner. 

21. When the news of Ipsilanti's revolt reached Constan- 
tinople, the Turks commenced a ruthless massacre of all the 
unfortunate Greeks in their power ; among others the vene- 
rable patriarch, whom the Greeks looked upon as the head 
of their church, was butchered. Similar scenes of cruelty 
were enacted in the different Turkish cities, and there was 
every reason to believe that the extermination which had 
been twice proposed before was now seriously contemplated. 
The Greeks of Morea took up arms on the 1st of May, and 
the insurrection soon spread through northern Greece and 
the islands. 

22. The war between the Greeks and Turks, like every 
other war between tyrants and slaves, was distinguished bv 
remorseless massacres on both sides. But there is one of 
such fearful extent, and surpassing atrocity, that it deserves 
to be more particularly noticed. The people in the island 



THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 



335 




ot Sci'o had not taken a very active part in the revolt, and 
therefore had some claim on the forbearance of their oppres- 
sors ; but a Turkish fleet, with an army on board, came to 
the island, and on the 12th of March, 1822, proceeded to 
butcher every man, woman, and child, whom they could 
seize. The horrors perpetrated by the barbarians almost 
exceed credibility; suffice it to say, that at the very lowest 
estimate upwards of 30,000 unoffending- individuals were 
murdered in cold blood. 23. The campaigns of 1822-3 and 
4 were, on the whole, favourable to the Grecian cause ; but 
the disputes which broke out between the leaders of the in- 
surrection, threatened to bring total ruin on their cause. 
The Turkish fleets were defeated by Miaoulis, the Greek 
admiral, and several single vessels were destroyed by fire- 
ships, which the Greeks managed with equal courage and 
ingenuity. 24. Volunteers from several parts of Europe 
came to aid the Greeks in their struggle for freedom, and 
subscriptions were raised for their assistance. Lord Byron, 
whose poetry had greatly contributed to spread this enthusi- 
asm m favour of Greece, went thither to aid them by his 
personal exertions, but unfortunately died at Missalonghi, 
on the 18th of April, 1824. 

25. The Greeks, during the entire contest, had persevered 
in maintaining their own irregular habits of warfare, under 
the guidance of petty chieftains, called Capitani ; they at- 
tacked their enemies in small parties, but could seldom be 
brought to act together. The rivalry between these petty 
leaders, and the jealousy that from the beginning existed 



336 THE MODERN HISTORY OF GREECE. 

between the islanders and the inhabitants of the Morea, 
delayed the establishment of independence, and brought the 
nation to the very brink of ruin. Early in 1825, Ibrahim 
Pacha, with an Egyptian army, landed in the Morea; and 
though the Greek fleet maintained its superiority in several 
actions, the operations by land were badly conducted, and 
the Turks in the campaigns of 1825 and 1826 obtained 
several important advantages. 26. At length the European 
powers felt themselves called upon, by the interests of 
humanity, to put an end to these dreadful scenes of slaugh- 
ter, and a treaty for the pacification of Greece was signed 
at London, on the 6th of July, 1827, by the representatives 
of England, France, and "Russia. 27. In pursuance of this 
treaty, orders were sent to the fleets of the three great powers 
in the Mediterranean, to prevent any landing of fresh troops 
or stores from Egypt in the Morea, and, if possible, to 
bring about an armistice. The bad faith of the Turkish 
commanders induced Sir Edward Codrington, the chief of 
the allied squadrons, to enter the harbour of Navarino, and 
try the effect of an imposing display of force. The Turk- 
ish vessels having fired on the allied fleet, a brief but fierce 
engagement ensued, which ended in the total defeat and 
destruction of the Egyptian and Turkish squadrons. 

28. The Turkish sultan was more enraged than terrifiec 1 
by the loss of his fleet at Navarino ; he obstinately refused 
to make any terms with the Greeks, and the ambassadors 
of the three powers quitted Constantinople. In the follow- 
ing year the Russians invaded the Turkish dominions, and 
though not very successful in their first campaign, in the 
second they humbled the power of their opponents to the 
dust. In the mean time, the French sent a military expe- 
dition to assist the Greeks in the Morea ; and Ibrahim, in 
pursuance of a convention, agreed to evacuate the country, 
and was transported to Egypt with his followers. 

The allied powers having restored tranquillity to the coun- 
try by their energetic measures, now proceeded to settle the 
government of the country. A limited monarchy was fixed 
upon as the form suited to the state of the nation, and the 
crown was offered to prince Leopold, the former husband of 
the princess Charlotte, daughter of George IV of England. 
He accepted the offered sovereignty, but subsequently resign- 
ed it. Prince Otho, son of the king of Bavaria, was subse- 
quently constituted the sovereign of Greece, and still sustains 
tkat office. The country is, however, by no means in a 



THE MODERN HISTORl' OF GREECE. 33? 

tranquil and settled state. The evils of long-continued 
servitude and dependence are not speedily eradicated. But 
it is to be hoped that the inherent elasticity and vivacity of 
the Greek character will enable the inhabitants to avail them- 
selves of the means of intelligence and freedom now so 
extensively diffused in the world ; and that Greece will 
eventually become what it was in the best and brightest ages 
of antiquity, a free, enlightened, and powerful nation. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. To which of the divisions of the Roman empire did Greece belong 1 

2. Was the country ever ruled by Latin princes'? 

3. What circumstances delayed the fall of Constantinople 1 

4. Were the princes of western Europe on friendly terms with the 

Greek emperors 1 

5. When did the Turks first appear in Europe 1 

6. How was the fate of Constantinople delayed 1 

7. When was Constantinople taken 1 

8. How did the Turks treat the vanquished 1 

9. Did the Venetians ever obtain possession of southern Greece 1 

10. What circumstances induced the Greeks to revolt against their 

oppressors ? 

11. To what calamities were the Greeks exposed by their first revolt 1 

12. Did the French invasion of Egypt produce any commotion in 

Greece ! 

13. Who headed the Servian insurrection 1 

14. How was it suppressed 1 

15. What became of Czerni George 1 

16. For what purpose was the Heteeria instituted 1 

17. What circumstances precipitated the Grecian revolt 1 

18. Who was the first leader of the revolt 1 

19. Where was Ipsilanti defeated 1 

20. How was he treated by the Austrians 1 

21. In what manner were the other Greeks provoked to take up arms 1 

22. What terrible massacre did the Turks perpetrate ! 

23. How was the war conducted 1 

24. What remarkable English nobleman died while assisting the 

Greeks ? 

25. How was the Greek cause nearly ruined 1 

25. What remarkable treaty was made in favour of the Greeks 1 

27. On what occasion did the allies destroy the Turkish fleet ? 

28. What recent events have rendered the establishment of Grecian 

independence certain 1 

2F 



338 THE EPIC AND LYKIC POETS. 

CHAPTER XX. 

ON THE LITERATURE OF THE GREEKS. 

SECTION I. 

THE EPIC AND LYRIC POETS. 



1. The history of Greece would be incomplete were we 
only to record the civil and military transactions of the 
several states. Interesting as these occurrences were, the 
triumphs of Grecian intellect have stronger claims on our 
attention, for the poets, the orators, the philosophers, and 
the historians of Greece, not only adorned the nations of 
their own times, but have contributed largely to the civiliza- 
tion of future ages. Wars, however gloriously conducted, 
political contests, in which the greatest abilities have been 
displayed, cannot be contemplated without some feelings of 
pain ; for we cannot but remember that they generated fierce 
passions, devastated the face of nature, and inflicted count- 
less miseries on our fellow mortals : but the pleasure with 
which we view the triumphs of genius is wholly unmixed, 
since they^ have produced naught but good to the human 
race. The materials for the early history of Grecian litera- 
ture are, however, very scanty, and the examination of the 
many contradictory accounts given of the birth both of lite- 
rature and science, would lead to disquisitions of greater 
length than the limits of this volume would permit ; a brief 
sketch is consequently all that can be afforded in the present 
instance, which may serve as an introduction to further and 
/nore mature investigations. 

2. It would seem that a love of poetry is natural to man ; 
in every country, however remote or barbarous, the measured 
harmony of sounds appears to have been cultivated as soon 
as language was formed. We find in the Scriptures frag- 
ments of poetry composed before the flood ; and in ever} 
country we see the most ancient records and traditions to be 
the songs of its early bards. 3. It is probable that the pri 
mary intention of the arrangement of words into a species 
of verse was to assist the memory, for the first legislators 
delivered their laws in a rythmical form, the earliest histori 



THE EPIC AND LYRIC POETS. 339 

ans are invariably poets, and the moral precepts by which 
the conduct of men in the first stages of civilization was 
regulated, are, for the most part, poetical fragments. " The 
piety of the priest and the inspiration of the prophet were 
intimately connected with the enthusiasm of poetry ; and 
poets who had celebrated the past, were naturally employed 
to rear the hopes of future generations." 4. Possessing so 
many claims on the affections and interests of the people, it 
is not at all wonderful that the character of the poet should 
seem invested with some peculiar sanctity, and that he 
should be honoured during his life as a benefactor, and 
thought worthy of admission to the celestial regions after 
his death. Accordingly we find that the early rhapsodists of 
Greece possessed as much authority as the druids of Gaul 
and Britain, the bards of our Saxon ancestors, or the scalds 
and rimers of the northern nations. Even kings did not 
disdain the cultivation of music and poetry, arts which in 
the earlier ages were always united, and added to their other 
claims on the obedience of their subjects, the respectful 
reverence bestowed on the sacred character of the Jl'oidoi, 
or bards. Amphi'on, the king of Thebes, and Melam'pus, 
who reigned in Argos, were both so celebrated for their mu- 
sical and poetic skill, that the inanimate creation is said to 
have acknowledged the influence of their minstrelsy. 

5. Ho'mer is the first of the heathen poets whose works 
have come down to posterity, but from his own testimony 
it is sufficiently evident that poetry had been long and suc- 
cessfully cultivated before his time. The names of Or'pheus, 
Li'nus, and Musae'us, are alone preserved ; their personal 
history and the nature of their poems were as great secrets 
two thousand years ago as they are now. Of Ho'mer's life 
we know nothing, and as little of the age in which he 
flourished. According to Herod'otus, and the Arundelian 
marbles, he published his poems about 900 years before the 
Christian era, that is, nearly three hundred years after the 
capture of Troy. 6. At that time writing was but little 
practised, and the productions of the poets were made known 
by travelling rhapsodists, who supported themselves by 
reciting the productions of the different poets. Such a 
practice was common in England under the Saxons, and 
continued to be observed until very lately in remote parts 
of Ireland, and in the highlands of Scotland. The length 
of the Iliad and Odyssey rendered it impossible for any 
single memory to retain the entire, and we learn from 



340 THE EPIC AND LYRIC POETS. 

ancient authors that the rhapsodists only recited select pas- 
sages, such as " the battle at the ships," " the war of the 
o-ods before Troy," "the return of Ulysses," &c. 7. This 
leads us to the consideration of the often-debated question, 
whether the Iliad and Odyssey are really the works of a 
single mind, or a collection of the popular ballads of the 
country, formed into a national work, at a time long subse- 
quent to their original publication. From what has been 
said of the customs of the rhapsodists, it appears very 
improbable that poems of such length could have been pre- 
served by tradition from the age of Homer to that of Peisis'- 
tratus, a period of nearly four hundred years, especially as 
in the latter part of that period, the colonies in Asia 
Minor, where these poems are said to have been preserved, 
were harassed by frequent wars with the neighbouring 
Asiatic nations. The most probable account of the matter 
appears to be, that the Iliad and Odyssey contain the rhap- 
sodies of many different bards, whose names were lost in 
the superior merit of Homer, the greatest among them ; that 
these rhapsodies received considerable improvements from 
time to time, as they were delivered in successive recita- 
tions, and that at some period antecedent to the Persian 
invasion, they were arranged in their present form. 

8. It has been already mentioned that these poems belong 
to the Graeco-Asiatic states; enjoying a finer climate and a 
richer soil, the Greek colonies in Asia Minor far out- 
stripped their parent country in refinement and civilization. 
Their prosperity excited the jealous avarice of the neigh- 
bouring Asiatic princes, and the kings of Lydia especially 
soon attempted to reduce them into subjection. The great 
object of the Homeric poems appears to have been the 
rousing up the spirit and emulation of the colonies, by 
fixing their attention on the first great war, in which the 
forces of the Greeks and barbarians were brought into colli- 
sion, and reminding them how their European ancestors 
had triumphed over the most powerful of the Asiatic princes, 
and humbled their proudest city to the dust. 9. The state 
of society described by Homer resembles very much the 
condition of Europe in the middle ages. His is the poetry 
of Grecian chivalry ; the feelings that he attributes to his 
heroes, the vices and virtues which he describes, the mode 
of warfare, and even many of the customs of private life, 
are such as existed in Europe when the northern invaders 
began gradually to lose their pristine ferocity, and cultivate 



THE EPIC AND LYRIC POETS. 341 

the first elements of civilization. The heroic character thus 
impressed on Grecian literature by the first work of suffi- 
cient importance to be preserved, was never wholly effaced. 
Daring courage and deeds of valour were the favourite 
subjects of the Grecian muse, even when the form of the 
verse was changed, and tragedy occupied the place of epic 
poetry. 10. But the religious* influence of the Homeric 
poems was that which produced the most permanent effect 
on the character of Grecian literature. The descriptions 
of the gods, as beings actuated by human feelings, and sub- 
ject, like men, to the mysterious agency of fate, though 
probably common to all the Theogonies, is most vividly 
delineated by Homer. Having already noticed the effects 
of this poetical religion, it is unnecessary to dilate on it in 
this place. 

11. Hesiod followed Homer, but it is impossible to de- 
termine at what interval. He tells us himself that he was 
born at Ascra, in Bceotia, and relates some interesting par- 
ticulars of his early life. Like most of the other ancient 
poets, he wrote a Theogony, in which he seems to have 
introduced many passages belonging to his predecessors. 
But perhaps the most interesting light in which Hesiod can 
be viewed is that of a pastoral poet. His didactic poem 
called the " Works and Days," contains the most important 
precepts of ancient husbandry, delivered in a simple and 
elegant style. Though Hesiod possesses not the fire and 
sublimity of Homer, he is a sweet and graceful poet ; and 
though not so much admired, he was probably more es- 
teemed in a country where agriculture was always held in 
the highest honour. 

12. The heroic deeds of kings and generals were the 
themes of the epic muse, but the changes in the political 
constitution of Greece introduced other kinds of poetry. 
The abolition of royalty in the several states called into 
action the fervid feelings of democracy ; and the jealousy 
of citizens, the rivalry of states, and the numerous popular 
commotions in free states, gave rise at once to ode and 
satire. 13. The satirical odes of Archil'ochus are said to 
have been so fearfully severe, that the objects of his poetic 
anger committed suicide rather than bear up against the 
obloquy heaped upon them. 14. While the European 
Greeks were perfecting their liberty, their brethren in Asia 

ad sunk under the yoke of Persia, and exchanged their 
* See Introduction, chapter III. 
2f2 



342 THE EPIC AND LYRIC POETS. 

freedom for luxurious ease. The plaintive elegy, which had 
been from the earliest ages sacred to songs of grief, they 
changed into an incentive of pleasure. The moral lesson, 
deduced by Calli'nus and Tyrtae'us from the deaths of the 
heroes whose loss they lamented, was an incentive to emu- 
late their virtue, and revenge their fall ; but the comments 
of the luxurious Asiatics are summed up in the impressive 
words of Scripture, " Eat, drink, and be merry, for to-mor- 
row we die." With the exception of Pindar, and a few 
others, the lyric and elegiac poets were natives either of the 
colonies or islands, and their strains participated either of 
the severe or luxurious character, as they were connected 
either with the free or subjugated states. 

15. Pin'dar and Ana'creon are the two lyric poets of 
whom we have the best opportunities of forming a judg- 
ment. Pindar was born about 520 years before Christ, and 
his life was protracted through the greater part of a century. 
Of his numerous works, nothing remains but his hymns in 
honour of the victors at the public games, and a few frag- 
ments. These are remarkable for their boldness of thought 
and sublimity of sentiment, for the magnificence of their 
diction, and the nervous spirit of every expression. To 
these qualities the ancient critics have added his judgment 
in the collocation of the words, but this is an excellence 
which modern readers are scarcely capable of appreciating. 
16. Ana'creon, on the contrary, is remarkable principally 
for ease and sweetness ; he is the poet of refinement and 
luxury, and unfortunately is full of the most immoral senti- 
ments. 17. The age of the lyric poets may be considered 
as including the space from the second Messenian war to 
the expulsion of the Peisistratidae ; so that the second stage 
of Grecian poetry extends about a century. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Why is the literary history of a nation more interesting than the 

military ? 

2. Was poetry cultivated at an early period ? 

3. What seems to have led to the invention of poetry ? 
■I. Were the first poets much respected 1 

5. When is Homer supposed to have flourished ? 

6. How were his verses preserved 1 

7. Is it probable that the Iliad and Odyssey are the productions of e 

single mind 1 

8. What seems the chief design of the Iliad 1 



THE DRAMATIC POETS. 343 

„\ Is there any thing remarkable in the state of society described by 
Homer 1 
<0. What was the principal effect produced by the Homeric poems'? 
1 1 . What is the character of Hesiod's works 1 
i2. When were ode and satire introduced'? 

13. What proves the severity of the satires of Archilochus? 

14. How did the lyrists of the Asiatic Greeks differ from their European 

brethren 1 

15. What is the character of Pindar ] 

1 6. For what were the odes of Anacreon remarkable ? 
• 7. How long did the age of the lyric poets continue '! 



SECTION II. 

THE DRAMATIC POETS. 

Thespis, the father of dramatic art, 

Displayed his actors in a homely cart. — Mason. 

1. The love of imitation, which is so natural lo man, has 
made dramatic entertainments popular in almost every coun- 
try. In their origin, they are usually found to be nothing 
more than the extempore effusions of rustics assembled on 
a holyday, but as civilization advances, this rude entertain- 
ment is refined and improved, until at length it becomes an 
essential part of the national literature. The very names 
Tragedy (the song of the goat) and Comedy (the song of 
the village) sufficiently indicate the meanness of their ori- 
gin ; let us then see by what gradual process the former 
became the means of describing the exploits of kings and 
heroes, while the latter usurped the place of the satirical 
lyric, in lashing the vices and ridiculing the follies of 
mankind. 

3. The season of the vintage was in ancient Greece the 
time of greatest festivity ; this lively people then gave them- 
selves up to the gratification of their favourite propensities, 
the exercise of their sensibility, and the amusement of their 
fancy. The former object was attained by the recitation of 
some rhapsody, relating the life and adventures of some 
favourite hero ; the latter was effected by humorous songs, 
in which allusions to the characters of some of the specta- 
tors were introduced, in order to create a laugh. A goat, as 
the destroyer of vines, was considered the most appropriate 
sacrifice to the god of wine, and was therefore proposed as 
prize to the different rhapsodists ; hence their recitations, 
whether serious or humorous, were called by the common 
.name of Tragedy. 4. The rhapsodists soon began to in- 



344 THE DRAMATIC POETS. 

troduce the graces of action, and to identify themselves with 
the characters they described ; this added considerably to 
the effect of their recitations, and would naturally suggest 
the idea of a dialogue. In these exhibitions some so fai 
surpassed others, that their fame spread into the neighbour- 
ing villages, and they were invited to gratify them also by a 
display of their talents. Thes'pis invented a moveable 
stage, fitted up like a wagon, which conveyed these re- 
citers from place to place, and as additional improvements 
were suggested by experience, the rude outline of the regular 
drama was soon formed. 

5. The Persian invasion roused all the energies of the 
Grecian nation, and called forth a display of talent, courage, 
and patriotism, that has never been paralleled. It is at such 
a time, when the minds of men are filled with sublime feel- 
ings, from the contemplation of heroic deeds, that the lofty 
outpourings of genius are most frequently displayed. 
iEs'chylus had witnessed that brilliant series of events, 
which terminated in the destruction of the Persian invaders ; 
and came to his task of perfecting the drama with a mind 
filled up with ideas of grandeur and honour. 6. The 
overthrow of potent dynasties, by means, apparently insig- 
nificant, the mysterious struggle between human agency and 
the powers of destiny, the wildest vicissitudes of fortune, 
are the poet's favourite themes ; they appear the most suit- 
able to his gigantic imagination, and they were naturally 
suggested by the wondrous events which he had witnessed, 
and the scenes in which he had acted a distinguished part. 
How far the drama had been improved by Thespis it is im- 
possible to discover, but to iEs'chylus it indisputably owes 
its perfection. He is in every sense the first of Greek trage- 
dians, and even in the closet his works leave an impression 
on the mind which cannot be effaced. 

6. The character of Soph'ocles was of a softer and milder 
cast than that of iEs'chylus. He flourished too at a time 
when the dangers to which the- state had been exposed were 
fast fading from the memory, and when the dread of the 
Persian power had subsided. His principal aim was to ex- 
cite the pity of the audience, and few authors have been 
more successful in raising this emotion. The exaggerations 
of iEs'chylus, almost bordering on extravagance, filled the 
soul with wonder and awe, but failed to engage the sympa- 
thies of our nature ; to Soph'ocles the honour is due of 
bringing dramatic literature down to a level with our feel 



THE DRAMATIC POETS. 345 

mgs, and making us participate in the emotions of the several 
characters which he portrays. 

8. An ancient critic has described the difference between 
Soph'ocles and Eurip'ides in brief, but accurate terms — 
"The former," says he, "portrays men as they ought to 
be, the latter as they are." Euripides aimed at uniting the 
character of a poet and moral philosopher; he had been the 
pupil of Soc'rates, and has introduced many of the precepts 
of that celebrated sage in his tragedies. The compliment 
paid by the Sicilians to his verses has been already mentioned 
in the history of the Syracusan war,* and it may be added, 
that no Grecian tragedian is so frequently quoted by modern 
writers. 9. The greatest improvement which Euripides 
effected was in the choral odes, which he connected more 
closely with the action of the drama, than his predecessors 
had done. 

10. The chorus being the most remarkable distinction 
between the ancient and modern drama, a brief description 
of its nature and character is necessary, in order that the 
reader may be able to form correct notions of ancient the- 
atrical entertainments. The ancient tragedies were founded 
on a single continuous action, rather than on a series of 
events, tending to one great end. They preserved what are 
called the dramatic unities of time and place, that is, the 
scene never changed during the entire play, and the time 
occupied by all the occurrences described was not supposed 
to exceed that occupied in the representation. As the 
Greeks spent a great part of their time in places of public 
resort, the scene of the drama was usually laid in the por- 
tico of some public building, or in one of the ordinary 
places of assembly. In such a place, groups of citizens 
would naturally be assembled, who were likely to feel an 
interest in the great event represented as going forward. 
11. The Greek tragedians formed these supposed spectators 
into a chorus, and exhibited them approving or condemning 
in song the motives and conduct of the principal actors. 
Between the acts they sung and danced, portraying vividly 
by their words and gestures the feelings which the occur- 
rences of the drama were supposed to have suggested. 
Thus the entire representation formed one continuous spec- 
tacle, and the minds of the spectators were never permitted 
to be diverted from the action of the play for a single instant, 

12 The theatrical representations at Athens formed part 
* Chap. IX. sect. V. 



346 THE DRAMATIC POETS. 

of the national worship of Bacchus, and were conducted on 
a magnificent scale, at the public expense. Unfortunately 
the pleasure that the people took in these shows, induced 
them to lavish on their preparation the treasures intended 
for the defence of the state. 

13. While tragedy was thus arriving at the summit of 
perfection, the sister art of comedy was acquiring equal 
triumphs, by the successful exertions of Eu'polis, Crati'nus, 
and Aristoph'anes. The ancient comedy of the Athenians, 
however, resembled nothing in the range of modern lite- 
rature; it was an extravagant burlesque, in which living 
persons were introduced by their real names, and held up 
to the ridicule of the audience. From the lash of the comic 
satirist nothing was safe ; gods and heroes, statesman and 
philosopher, the favourite of the nobility, and the idol of the 
310b, the general in public life, and the private gentleman 
m retirement, were all in their turn ridiculed with perse- 
vering severity. 14. At length the excesses of the dramatists 
oecame so great, that it was necessary to check their licen- 
tiousness ; they were prohibited from introducing real cha- 
racters, and therefore had recourse to fictitious personages. 
The change was probably gradual, but it was soon complete, 
for after the death of Aristophanes, the Athenian comedy 
lost all its satirical character, and became similar to that 
which is witnessed on the modern stage. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Why are theatrical amusements so popular? 

2. What proves the mean origin of the drama 1 

3. From what circumstance did Tragedy derive its name ? 

4. How did the sports of the vintage lead to the invention of the drama ' 

5. At what time did iEschylus flourish 1 

6. What is the character of his writings ? 

7. What is the character of Sophocles as a dramatist 1 

8. How does Euripides differ from the two preceding tragedians 1 

9. Did he introduce any improvement 1 

1 0. What was the general character of ancient tragedies 1 
] 1. How was the chorus introduced 1 

1 2. Did the Athenians waste the public treasures in idle shows 1 

1 3. What was the general character of ancient comedy 1 

1 4. Why was the character of comedy changed 1 



THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 3 ±7 

section ni. 

THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 

In ancient story, the rich fruits unite 

Of civil wisdom and sublime delight. — Hayley. 

t. The earliest records of nations are usually found to be 
popular ballads, reciting the virtues and exploits of some 
favourite hero ; to these succeed annals detailing the most 
important transactions of each year, compiled by priests or 
magistrates. As civilization advances, the desire of bene- 
fiting by the experience of the past increases ; men soon 
discover that the traditionary songs are disfigured by fiction, 
and that the works of the annalists are meagre and unsatis- 
factory ; the attempt is soon made to combine accuracy of 
facts with elegance of style, and history thus attains the 
dignity of an art. 2. Herod'otus, though not the first 
Grecian writer of history, was the first who produced an 
historical work worthy of being transmitted to posterity. 
He was a native of Halicarnas'sus, in the Graeco-Asiatic 
colonies, and was compelled to leave his country in conse- 
quence of political disputes. Having spent the early part 
of his life in travelling, he returned home, having his mind 
stored with valuable information ; but he was again driven 
into exile, and forced to seek a refuge from the resentment 
of his countrymen in Greece. 3. The memorable Persian 
invasion had just been defeated, and no nobler nor more 
popular theme could be selected by any historian, than to 
record the particulars of that great event. To this task 
Herod'otus devoted himself with great zeal ; he interwove 
with his narrative all the information that he had collected 
respecting the Egyptians, Scythians, Persians, and other 
Asiatic nations : the whole was divided into nine books, 
named after the nine muses This great work was read 
publicly at the Olympic games amidst the most rapturous 
applause, and was soon after repeated with equal sue- r b.c. 
cess at the Athenian festivals. 4. Simplicity and £ 445. 
elegance are the chief characteristics of this historian's style ; 
he writes in the pure Ionic dialect, the richest and softest 
of all the varieties of the Grecian tongue. In general, he 
is a very faithful recorder of facts, and may be implicitly 
trusted, when he states any thing on his own authority ; but 
he possessed no small share of credulity, and has conse 
quently inserted many absurd fables, derived from other 



348 THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 

sources. Herodotus is frequently called the father of his- 
tory, and owes the name as much to his merits, as his anti- 
quity ; he is usually said to hold the same rank among 
historians that Ho'mer does among the poets, and Demos'- 
thenes among the orators. 

5. At one of the public recitations of his history, the 
notice of Herod'otus was attracted by a young lad who was 
affected to tears, by the beauty of the narrative. Such 
gratifying homage induced him to seek the youth's acquaint- 
ance, and he discovered in him such talent and sensibility, 
as persuaded him that he had found a successor. Thucyd'- 
ides, who had shown such sensibility at this early age, was 
descended from an illustrious Athenian family, that had 
already produced many warriors and statesmen ; he was 
himself educated for public life, and held an important com- 
mand in the Athenian army, during the first Peloponnesian 
war. 6. He was driven into exile by the faction of Cle'on, 
and employed himself during his banishment in writing the 
history of the great struggle, in which he had borne a part. 
The fame of this history has increased with its age, for the 
writer, in addition to his predecessor's powers of descrip- 
tion, possesses great political wisdom, and a practical know- 
ledge of state affairs. 7. The work is written in the Attic 
dialect, and in a nervous animated style ; the descriptions 
are very concise and vigorous, the sentiments truly noble, 
and the reflections interspersed through the narrative equally 
ingenious and judicious. The impartiality of Thucyd'ides 
deserves the highest praise ; he nowhere betrays the least 
resentment against his countrymen or the faction of Cleon, 
by which he had been driven into banishment. He faithfully 
details the virtues and the crimes which the intestine wars 
of Greece displayed, and if, as some complain, the darker 
traits predominate, let it be remembered that the Peloponne- 
sian partook largely of the character of civil wars. The 
great fault of Thucyd'ides is his distribution of the work 
into summers and winters, paying more regard to unity of 
time than unity of action ; the reader is thus prevented from 
immediately tracing the progress of events, and is hurried 
from place to place, with a rapidity that naturally produces 
confusion. 8. The greatest compliment ever paid to any 
historian, was that which Demos'thenes bestowed on this 
writer. The illustrious orator was so deeply impressed 
with the merits of Thucyd'ides, that he transcribed his work 
eight times, and had read it so frequently that he could repeat 



THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 349 

the greater part by rote. The history of Thucyd'ides ter- 
minates with the twenty-first year of the war ; continuations 
were written by Theopom'pus and Xen'ophon. 

9. Xen'ophon equally distinguished himself as a philo- 
sopher, a general, and an historian. In his early life he 
attracted the attention of Soc'rates, and was instructed by 
that sage in all the duties of public and private life. The 
iniquitous rebellion of the younger Cy'rus against his brother 
Artaxer'xes, led to the celebrated expedition of the younger 
Cy'rus, in which Xen'ophon acted a very conspicuous part. 
Love of glory, rather than desire of pay and plunder, induced 
him to join in a war utterly indefensible on any moral 
ground, and forbidden by the laws of his country, then in 
alliance with Artaxerxes. 10. Xen'ophon's first work was 
the history of this expedition, written with a minuteness 
and accuracy not very usual amongst the ancients. Sen- 
tence of banishment was pronounced against him during his 
absence, and on his return, he was indebted to the patronage 
of the Lacedaemonians for a place of refuge. In this retire- 
ment he wrote the Life of Cyrus, which is a species of his- 
torical romance ; the Memorables of S' crates, the most 
interesting record of that philosopher's life • and a continua- 
tion of the great history of Thucyd'ides. 11. The style of 
Xen'ophon is above all praise, but his fidelity in the last 
named work is more than suspicious ; he is every where the 
advocate of the Spartans, and attempts to raise the perfidious 
Agesila'us into the character of a perfect hero. His violent 
prejudices in favour of aristocratic governments are every 
where apparent, and he scruples not to attack his native 
land unjustly, on account of the popular form of its consti- 
tution. 

12. Having thus briefly noticed the three greatest Grecian 
historians, we must turn to the orators, whose triumphs of 
genius are still more remarkable. The Athenians possessing 
a form of government, which has been aptly enough termed 
the " extreme of democracy," were naturally the first to 
cultivate public speaking. The entire administration of the 
affairs of government belonged to the general assembly of 
the people, and there was no more certain road to fame and 
fortune than the conciliation of their favour by the charms 
of eloquence. 13. But the Athenian populace were not a 
mere mob, whom fluent nonsense would captivate, or who 
would prefer the brawling demagogue to the polished states- 
man. They possessed a finer and more delicate organiza 
2 G 



350 THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 

tion than the inhabitants of more northern climates ; their 
musical taste was cultivated, and their perception of tho 
beauties of style strengthened by the musical and literary 
contests at the public festivals ; the more laborious employ- 
ments being filled by slaves, allowed the citizens leisure to 
attend to affairs of state, and we have several very amusing 
descriptions in the comic writers, of the absolute rage for 
legislation, which pervaded all classes in Athens. There 
was, consequently, to use a commercial phrase, " a great 
demand for orators in the market, and consequently there 
was a corresponding supply." 

14. Per'icles was the first great Athenian orator, as well 
as the greatest Athenian statesman ; his style of speaking, 
and in some measure his general character, resembled that 
of the late Mr. Canning, who has been frequently compared 
to him by modern writers. The power that he possessed 
in Athens was entirely owing to his splendid abilities, but he 
died too soon for his own fame and for his country's pros- 
perity. The funeral oration which he delivered over those 
who fell at Nisae'a, has been reported by Thucyd'ides in his 
own peculiar style, and therefore cannot be quoted as a spe- 
cimen, but it probably contains the substance of what he 
really did say, and may serve to give us some remote 
conception of those powers, which " wielded at will the 
fierce democracy." 

1 5. We have already shown how vastly inferior Alcibiades 
was to his illustrious uncle, though he seemed destined by 
fortune to play a similar part. But his fame as a statesman 
and orator is so very trifling, that there is no necessity to 
dwell on it here; and we can only refer to the history of his 
life, already detailed, for an account of the lamentable effect 
produced by intellectual power, when destitute of the guid- 
ance of moral principle, and the evils caused by misdirected 
talent, and misapplied industry. 

16. The orations of Lys'ias and Isae'us are specimens of 
Grecian legal oratory, rather than of public eloquence. 
They are both distinguished by the elegance of their style, 
and the harmony of their sentences ; the former is the more 
simple, the latter the more energetic ; but the time in which 
they flourished, at the close of the Peloponnesian wars, was 
not favourable to the development of oratorical powers. 

17. It has been said by an ancient philosopher, that " great 
occasions produce great men." The most important crisis 
in Grecian history, was the commencement of the great 



THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 351 

struggle between the supremacy of Macedon, and the free 
dom of Greece. " The coming events were casting theit 
shadows before ;" after the sword was once drawn, the con- 
test could be decided only by the general and the soldier ; 
but there was a previous interval of feverish excitement, 
which called for the anxiety of the patriot, and the wisdom 
of the statesman. It was at this important crisis that De- 
mos'thenes appeared, and endeavoured to rouse his country- 
men to a sense of their impending danger, and to stimulate 
them to the exertions by which alone their ruin could be 
averted. 18. His career as a statesman and politician has 
been already related in the former part of this history, and 
it only now remains to consider him as an orator. The 
principal characteristic of the public orations of Demos- 
thenes is vehemence, the reader is hurried on with irresisti- 
ble force by a succession of glowing sentiments and fervid 
appeals to his feelings, which convey deeper conviction than 
an ingenious chain of reasonings. 19. It was not, indeed, 
the business of Demosthenes to argue, in the ordinary sense 
of the word, because the Athenians were already convinced 
of the truths which he wished to impress ; the dangerous 
ambition of Philip was as notorious as the existence of the 
sun, and the necessity of making vigorous efforts to preserve 
the independence and maintain the freedom of Athens, was 
as well known as the necessity of taking nourishment to 
support life — but the people who so readily made such 
acknowledgments, were not the less inclined to view their 
enemy's career without an effort to check and control him. 
Those who assent to the truth of an orator's principles, and 
acknowledge the rationality of his system, are not always 
the most ready to follow his advice : they suffer passion or 
sloth to overcome the dictates of reason ; they see the best, 
but they still pursue the worst, because they have not suffi- 
cient energy to encounter the difficulties which beset the 
path of rectitude. Such auditors are the most discouraging 
to a patriotic orator, because, though their applause may 
cheer him, and the warmest approbation be bestowed on 
every sentence, yet he soon learns, by better experience, 
that all this enthusiasm will pass away like a summer-cloud : 
they hear, they admire, they applaud, and they forget. Such 
was the character of the audience which Demosthenes had 
to address, and hence arises that strength, almost amounting 
to violence, which characterizes his appeals ; he succeeded 
in rousing his countrymen when it was too late ; but the 



352 THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 

patriotic and fervid harangues which he delivered, contain 
lessons applicable to every age and every nation, and will 
be valued by the remotest posterity, as the outpourings of 
sublime genius, warm feeling, and honest principle. 

The age of Demosthenes was fruitful in orators, brought 
forward by the busy excitement of the time. The speeches 
of the greater part have been lost to posterity, but the his- 
torians enable us to form some judgment of their characters. 
20. Dem'ades was originally a common sailor, possessing 
strong natural powers, which, however, were unpolished by 
education, and unregulated by moral principle. In private 
life, his habits were coarse and brutal, and his eloquence was 
also tinctured with these qualities ; but his rude bluntness 
many times produced a greater effect in the public assem- 
blies than the polished elegance of more refined speakers. 

21. Hyper'ides was a speaker of quite an opposite cast ; 
he possessed an exquisite taste, a delicate sense of harmony, 
and a richly cultivated mind ; but excessive refinement is 
often more injurious ihan the total want of cultivation: his 
delicate sensibility rendered him timid and effeminate ; he 
had not sufficient energy and daring to encounter the storms 
of the public assemblies, but at the law courts he was an 
able and pleasing advocate. 

22. Pho"cion and Lycur'gus seem to have owed their 
influence rather to their virtuous characters than their ora- 
torical abilities. I hey were always heard with respect, 
because it was known ihat they always spoke from conscien- 
tious conviction, and tney were consequently more valued as 
statesmen than admired as orators. 

23. Dinar'chus is only known as the accuser of Demos'- 
thenes on the charge of having received a bribe from the 
fugitive Har'palus, to engage the Athenians to protect him 
from the vengeance of Alexander. The truth of the charge 
is very doubtful, but it is urged in the invective of Dinar'- 
chus with great art and spirit. The virulence and violence 
of the attack, however, detract greatly from the merits of the 
oration. 

24. jEs'chines was a much more formidable rival of De- 
mos'thenes ; he wants, indeed, the boldness and vehemence 
of his opponent, but his style is more varied and ornamented. 
To use the quaint illustration of QuinctiPian, " iEs'chines 
lias more flesh and muscle, Demos'thenes more bone and 
sinew." His style is flowing and harmonious, his periods 
exquisitely polished, and his ridicule very spirited and 



THE GREEK HISTORIANS AND ORATORS. 353 

graceful. At any other period he would probably have 
obtained the highest eminence, but he was borne down by 
the superior talents of his illustrious opponent. iEs'chines 
was the avowed partisan of Phil'ip, though at first one of 
his most vigorous opponents. This desertion of the pa- 
triotic party rendered him unpopular, and induced him to 
cultivate the favour of his audience by rhetorical artifices, 
rather than noble sentiments, which, indeed, he sometimes 
pretended to ridicule as forced and affected. 

25. With the destruction of the popular forms of govern- 
ment, terminated the list of Grecian orators. They were 
succeeded by the rhetoricians, who introduced an artificial 
and florid style of speaking, calculated rather to please the 
fancy, than animate the heart, or convince the judgment. 
26. Even before the commencement of Demos'thenes' career 
Isoc'rates had set the example of preparing orations, designed 
as specimens of elegant composition, and having no reference 
to public affairs. His panegyrical orations are remarkable 
for their simplicity and dignity, but they want the life and 
vigour which the necessity of delivering them in public 
could alone supply. Compared with the speeches of De- 
mosthenes, they are like a statue of Hercules, contrasted 
with the living hero ; they possess all the features, and all 
he symmetry of eloquence, but they are dead, cold, and 
unimpassioned. 

27. The Athenian schools of eloquence continued to 
flourish under the direction of the rhetoricians, until a very 
late period. Thither the young Roman nobility flocked to 
receive instruction, and on their return home, introduced the 
Grecian oratory into Latium. It was not, however, possible 
for any teacher to communicate the powers and skill of De- 
mosthenes ; instead of his severe and nervous style, the 
Latins adopted the florid ornamental eloquence which is 
commonly named the Asiatic style, and which, as has been 
already mentioned, came into favour after the decline of 
Grecian freedom. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. What is the usual commencement of national history ? 

2. Who was Herodotus ] 

3. On what subject did he write 1 

4. What is the character of his history 1 

5 How did Thucydides attract the notice of Herodotus ? 
2g2 



354 SCIENCE AND THE FINE ARTS. 

6. Of what period did Thucydides write the history 7 

7. What is the character of his work 7 

8. How did Demosthenes show his admiration of Thucydides 7 

9. Who was Xenophon 7 

10. What histories did he write 7 

11. Fox what are his compositions remarkable 7 

12. Why was oratory so extensively cultivated by the Athenians 7 

13. From what cause were the Athenians made remarkable for their 

good taste in eloquence 7 

14. What was the character of Pericles as an orator 7 

15. Was Alcibiades as honourably distinguished as his uncle 7 

16. What are characters of Lysias and Isaus 7 

17. What great crisis roused the energies of Demosthenes 7 

18. For what are his orations chiefly remarkable 7 

19. What was the character of his audience 7 

20. Who was Demades 7 

21. For what was Hyperides remarkable 7 

22. How did Phocion and Lycurgus acquire influence in the assemblies 

of the people 7 

23. What is known of Dinarchus 7 

24. What was the character of iEschines 7 

25. Did any change take place in Grecian oratory after the liberties of 

the people were destroyed 7 

26. What was the character of Isocrates 7 

27. What style of eloquence was taught in the Athenian schools 7 



SECTION IV. 

SCIENCE AND THE FINE ARTS. 



There Art and Science, in perfection throned. 

Shot rays that yet the gloom of age defy. — R. Montgomery. 

1. It has been remarked, with some justice, that "the 
Greeks, though giants in the fine arts, were pigmies in the 
exact sciences." The lively and fanciful disposition of the 
nation indisposed them to that patient research, and careful 
observation, which is absolutely necessary for making scien- 
tific discoveries. It is not, therefore, remarkable, that the 
best Grecian writers on scientific subjects were generally 
natives of the commercial colonies ; the regularity of habit 
that prevails in every trading population prepared the mind 
for close investigation, and prevented that distraction of 
thought which is at once a cause and a consequence of the 
cultivation of elegant literature. 2. The Chaldas'ans and 
Egyptians were the first nations of antiquity that cultivated 
science. The former, while tending their flocks by night, 
were soon accustomed to note the appearances of the hea- 
venly bodies, and thus, in course of time, they collected the 



SCIENCE AND THE FINE ARTS. 355 

elements of the first rude system of Astronomy. The fer- 
tility of Egypt, depending on the annual overflowings of the 
Nile, the attention of the inhabitants was soon attracted to 
the celestial signs that marked the changes of the seasons, 
and predicted the approach of the periodical inundation. 
3. They accordingly extended the observations of the 
Chaldaeans, and greatly improved the science by which their 
rustic labours were regulated. The waters on these occa- 
sions effaced the land-marks, which determined the bounda- 
ries of estates, and the consequent confusion which ensued 
after the inundation had subsided, induced them to search 
for some means by which the extent of each person's pos- 
sessions might be ascertained. This gave rise to the inven- 
tion of Geometry, which as the name implies, was originally 
limited to the measurement of the earth, but soon became 
the science which explains the properties and relations of 
figured space.* 

4. Tha'les, a native of Mile'tus in the Asiatic colonies, 
was the first who introduced the science of the East into 
Greece. He first taught the true shape of the earth, explain- 
ed the nature of eclipses, and accurately foretold one solar 
eclipse. He first divided the heavens into five zones, 
and recommended the division of the year into 365 days, 
which he had learned from the Egyptians. He died 548 
B.C. 5. The Ionic school of philosophy, which he found- 
ed, was remarkable for the cultivation of the mathematical 
sciences ; Anaximan'der, his successor, was the first that 
constructed globes and maps, and Meton discovered the 
cycle of 19 years, called after his name, when the courses 
of the sun and moon again begin from the same point of the 
heavens. The true system of the universe is supposed to 
have been originally taught in the Ionic school, but from its 
apparent inconsistency with the evidence of the senses it 
was subsequently rejected. 

G. Pythag'oras was the most remarkable, perhaps, of all 
the ancient philosophers ; his moral and theological opinions 
will be better discussed in the next chapter, here we have 
only to regard his acquirements in mathematics and physics. 
In search of knowledge, he travelled into the remotest parts 
of the East, and brought from thence new acquisitions to the 
sciences of geometry and arithmetic. Unfortunately he in- 
troduced with these that love of mystery and allegory for 
which the Asiatic nations are so remarkable, and the super- 
* It is derived from yS f the earth, and peTg&, to measure. 



356 SCIENCE AND THE FINE ARTS. 

stitious belief in the virtue of certain numbers, which has 
not yet quite disappeared from the world. He was the first 
that formed the sciences of numbers and music, and he is 
said to have discovered that useful property of a right-angled 
triangle which is developed in the forty-seventh proposition 
of the first book of Euclid. He died at Metapon'tum, in 
the south of Italy, about 497 B.C. 

7. Pla'to, the celebrated disciple of Socrates, was the 
next that made any great improvement in mathematical 
science. He is said to have invented the analytic method, 
which determines the truth or falsehood of a proposition, by 
ascertaining the truth or falsehood of its consequences. If 
these consequences be known truths, we can demonstrate 
the original proposition, by reversing the process ; but if the 
result be falsehood, it is manifest that the original proposi- 
tion must have been false. The application of this method 
to geometry, led to the discovery of the properties of the 
conic sections. But notwithstanding the advances made in 
geometry by Plato and his followers, they did little to advance 
natural philosophy. They were careless observers of nature, 
and looked on geometry more as a subject for speculation, 
than as a means of developing and explaining the system of 
the universe. 

8. Alexandria, in Egypt, became the most famous seat 
of science, soon after its foundation. The first Ptolemy 
invited thither the most learned men from every country, 
and treated them with the greatest kindness. Eu'clid, the 
celebrated author of the Elements of Geometry, which 
even at the present day are considered the best introduction 
to that science, was one of the first philosophers that taught 
in Alexandria; in consequence of the superior merits of 
Euclid and his successors, Alexandria long continued to hold 
the pre-eminence in the mathematical sciences. 

9. The application of geometry to the physical sciences 
appears first to have been made by Archime'des, a nativ 
of Sicily. He raised mechanics to the dignity of a science 
and by his skill as an engineer long defended Syracuse 
against the powers of Rome. It would be impossible in 
our narrow limits to enumerate all the discoveries of Archi- 
me'des in geometry and mechanism ; suffice it to say, that 
he first investigated with success the properties of curvili- 
near figures and solids, and that he discovered some of the 
most important facts connected with the immersion of bodies 
in fluids. 



SCIENCE AND THE FINE ARTS. 357 

10. The Alexandrian school produced about this time two 
philosophers worthy of being - contemporary w T ith Archime'- 
des. These were Eratos'thenes, who first attempted to 
measure the circumference of the earth, by ascertaining the 
distance and difference of latitude between two places on the 
same meridian ; and Apollo'nius, whose treatise on Conic 
Sections is still deservedly esteemed. 

11. In later ages the Alexandrian school produced Hip 
par'chus, who first made a catalogue of the stars, Ptol'emy, 
the author of that system of the universe which was gene- 
rally adopted till within the last two centuries, and Diophan'- 
tus, the inventor of Algebra. 

12. In this brief enumeration, the name of Aristotle has 
been omitted, because the character of a man whose author- 
ity was implicitly acknowledged for nearly tw r o thousand 
years, as supreme in the learned w r orld, ought not to be hur- 
ried over in a brief paragraph. After having attended the 
lectures of Pla'to for several years at Athens, he was select- 
ed by Philip to superintend the education of Alexander, and 
discharged his duty with so much ability, that through life 
he retained the confidence and affection of his royal pupil. 
Discrimination, and a love of arrangement, appear to have 
been the principal characteristics of his mind, and hence w r e 
find him more frequently employed in forming knowledge, 
already acquired, into a regular and orderly system, than 
adding to the stock of information by new discoveries. His 
literary ambition knew no bounds, he aspired to embrace 
the whole circle of the arts and sciences, and to explain 
whatever can be known concerning the moral and material 
world. In the course of his inquiries, he scrupled not to 
encounter questions, passing the limits of human knowledge, 
and probably imposed on himself, as he certainly did on 
others, by giving new names to the difficulties,* instead of 
solutions. But the formation of such systems was the very 
cause of the supremacy which he so long maintained ; men 
thought that they were acquiring knowledge, when they were 
merely increasing their stock of words ; the vulgar were 
easily deceived by the magic of sounds, the more highly 
valued as they were the less understood, and the professors 
in universities felt attached to a system which procured them 
pleasure and profit, with no other mental exertion than that 
of memory. In the complete revolution which has been 

* For instance, explaining motion to be " the act of being in powei 
so far forth as in power." 



358 SCIENCE AND THE FINE ARTS. 

since effected in the scientific world, Aristotle has been 
hurled from his throne, and appears to be now as unjustly 
depreciated as he was once unwisely extolled. The causes 
of this change do not come within the range of the present 
history, and we must limit ourselves to the attempt of form- 
ing an estimate of his real merits. In the mathematical 
sciences he was decidedly inferior to Pythag'oras and Pla'to, 
but he more than compensated for this deficiency by his 
superiority in logic and criticism. Of logic, indeed, he is 
sometimes called the inventor, because the numberless im- 
provements which he effected made it entirely a new art. 
Of his critical works, his Essay on Poetry was the most 
remarkable, and it still continues to be regarded as a valua- 
ble compendium of useful rules, for the guidance of the 
judgment in appreciating works of literature. His History 
of Animals was considered one of the most wonderful works 
of his own age, and it still merits the admiration of posteri- 
ty ; it contained the description of many species previously 
unknown, which Alexander had collected in his march 
through Asia. The Treatises on Ethics and Politics are, 
however, the most valuable parts of Aristotle's works, and 
are among the noblest specimens of powerful intellect and 
subtle reasoning employed on subjects of the highest import- 
ance and utility. Of his natural and mental, or as they 
are sometimes called, his physical and metaphysical philoso- 
phy, it is impossible to speak in terms of praise, for like the 
other philosophers of the period, he preferred indulging in 
vain speculations to observing the operations of nature, or 
watching the results of experience. This is but an imper- 
fect sketch of the literary labours of one who so long ruled 
the learned world, but it is sufficient to show that he was 
the greatest philosopher, not only of his own, but of all 
preceding times, and that modern ages have produced few 
worthy to contest with him the palm. 

13. The cultivation of the fine arts, like that of the sci- 
ences, began in the Ionian colonies of Asia Minor, and were 
not effectively introduced into Greece until after the defeat 
of the Persian invasion. The administration, indeed it 
might almost be called the reign, of Pericles at Athens was 
directed to securing the permanent glory and prosperity of 
Athens ; the splendid edifices with which he decorated the 
city have been already noticed, (Introduction, chap, ii.) and 
he had the satisfaction of seeing their architectural beauty 
embellished by the sculptures of the celebrated Phid'ias 



GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 359 

From the age of Pericles to that of Alexander, Greece pro- 
duced a number of eminent sculptors and painters, who 
raised the plastic arts to the highest degree of eminence. 
The few fragments of their labours that have escaped the 
violence of barbarians and the ravages of time, still continue 
to be looked upon as models of excellence, and have not 
been equalled, much less surpassed by any modern artist. 
A catalogue of the works of Grecian art, and of the mere 
names of the artists, would be equally tedious and useless; 
let it be sufficient to mention Phid'ias, whose statues of Ju- 
piter at Olympus, and of Minerva in the Parth'enon at 
Athens, were said to inspire as much reverence as if the dei- 
ties themselves had been present. 



Questions for Examination. 

1. Where were the best Grecian writers on scientific subjects pro- 

duced 1 

2. What nation early cultivated soience 1 

3. Why did the Egyptians pay particular attention to geometry and 

astronomy 1 

4. Did Thales communicate much knowledge to his countrymen 1 

5. For what was the Ionian school remarkable ? 

6. What improvements were made by Pythagoras 1 

7. Did Plato and his followers advance the cause of science 1 

8. How did Alexandria become a celebrated school of science 1 

9. What inventions were made by Archimedes ] 

10. Were any discoveries made by his contemporaries ? 

11. Did the Alexandrian school produce any other remarkable men 1 

12. What was the character of Aristotle's philosophy 1 

13. Did the fine arts flourish in Greece 1 



SECTION V. 

GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 

Philosophy consists not 
In airy schemes, and idle speculations; 
The rule and conduct of all social life 
Is her great province. — Thomson. 



1. The philosophy of the Greeks,* as of most other na 
tions, began with inquiries into the origin of the universe, 
the nature of the divinity, and the conditions of human ex- 

* It would evidently be impossible to discuss a matter of such import- 
ance as the subject of this section in a few pages ; all that can be ex- 
pected is an imperfect sketch of the effect produced by philosophy on 
the government and character of the Greeks, with a brief outline of 
the opinions of the leading sects. 



360 GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 

istence. These investigations were at first connected with 
religious notions, because in the eastern countries, from 
whence Greece derived the seeds of knowledge, ail infor- 
mation was confined to the priesthood ; but the Greeks, 
having no hereditary religious order, soon removed those 
limitations, and philosophy, so far from being united with 
the popular religion, was frequently found its most dangerous 
opponent. 2. The speculations of Thales and his followers, 
of the Ionic school, were principally directed to scientific 
subjects, and seem not to have been much employed on 
ethics and theology. Nevertheless, we find, that Anaxag'o- 
ras, one of his followers, was banished from Athens, in 
spite of all the influence of Pericles, because his philosophi- 
cal opinions were deemed hostile to the popular creed.* 
This was the commencement of the struggle between phi- 
losophy and paganism, which afterwards produced the most 
important results. 

3. The first and greatest political philosopher was Py- 
thag'oras, whose age and history is involved in almost total 
obscurity, but whose influence spread more widely, and con- 
tinued longer, than that of any other person recorded in 
ancient history. He fled from Sa'mos, his native country, 
to avoid the tyranny of Polyc'rates, and after having travelled 
through the most remarkable countries of the east, he finally 
settled at Croto'na, in southern Italy. There he published 
a system of doctrines inculcating some of the purest princi- 
ples of morality, and not a few of the truths of natural the- 
ology. He brought with him from the east, however, that 
love of mystery and secrecy, which long distinguished the 
Asiatics ; the doctrines which he taught in public were 
shrouded in obscure allegories ; the explanation was vouch- 
safed only to his immediate disciples, who formed a close 
and secret society. The subsequent persecution of the Py- 
thagoreans caused the loss of their works, and it is conse-. 
quently difficult to discover the real nature of many of their 
most important, doctrines. The strangest appears to have 
been their belief in Metempsychosis, or transmigration of 
souls, which is manifestly a corruption of the doctrine <af 
the immortality of the soul. 4. It is not easy to conceive, 

* This impiety appears to have been simply explaining omens and 
prodigies from natural causes, and the assertion that the sun was a globe 
of fire, and not a chariot driven by Apollo. The similar persecution of 
Galileo for being wiser than his contemporaries, shows us the intolerance 
of ignorance in every age. 



GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 361 

how any one could have believed, that he had been formerly 
an animal or another man, though some eastern sects are 
still said to retain the doctrine ; perhaps the entire difficulty 
may be resolved by supposing that Pythag'oras simply 
taught the doctrine of the soul's pre-existence, and the ne- 
cessity of its passing through successive stages of being be- 
fore it became sufficiently pure and refined to appear in the 
presence of the divinity Such a belief has certainly pre- 
vailed in the east, from the remotest ages ; and such a doc- 
trine, so remote from vulgar conceptions, might easily have 
been distorted and misrepresented by tradition. 

5. The secret societies of the Pythagoreans* soon 
usurped all authority in the Greek cities of southern Italy; 
they appear to have been in a great measure identified with 
the faction of the nobility, and were therefore hated by the 
partisans of democracy. In a general insurrection of the 
popular factions, they were suddenly deprived of all au- 
thority, and the greater part sentenced to banishment or 
death. Some settled in Greece, but never arrived at the 
eminence which they had attained in the Italian states. 

6. In Greece itself, the sophists were the first who ap- 
plied philosophy to political science. They professed to 
give instructions in the arts of thinking and speaking, and 
to fit men for the management of affairs of state. The very 
name of sophist has been long since a term of reproach, be- 
cause these teachers confined themselves principally to logic 
and rhetoric, and were more anxious to make their pupils 
ready debaters, than accurate reasoners. They professed 

-themselves equally ready to defend truth and falsehood, 
victory in disputation was the sole end of their labours, and 
this led to a confusion of the distinctions between right and 
wrong, which produced the worst effects in social life. 
Habitual indifference to truth soon destroys all moral prin- 
ciple, and is the prolific parent of innumerable vices. 

7. Soc'rates began the opposition to the sophists ; he di- 
rected the attention of men to the duties imposed on them 
as men and citizens, in the various relations of life, and 
thus led men from idle speculations about the origin of the 
universe, to consider the practical rules by which their con- 
duct should be regulated, and thus laid the foundation of 
moral philosophy. He formed no connected system, be- 
cause he made experience rather than theory his guide ; and 
hence the systems devised by his followers differed from 

* See Historical Miscellany, part II. 
2H 



362 GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 

each other as widely as possible. The circumstances of his 
death not a little contributed to the strengthening of his in- 
fluence over posterity, .since he was generally venerated as 
a martyr in the cause of philosophy. 

8. The Academy founded by the illustrious Pla'to was 
the first school of philosophy that derived its origin from 
the instructions of Soc'rates. Of Plato's character as a 
writer it is impossible to give even an imperfect notion. 
" In him the poetical character of Greece expressed itself 
philosophically." The principal object of inquiry among 
the different sects was, the nature of the highest good 
attainable by man, usually termed the summum bonum. 
The Academics held that there were gradations in good ; 
the chief were the attributes of the mind, wisdom and 
virtue ; the second belonged to the body, such as health, 
beauty, and perfect senses ; the third included adventitious 
circumstances, such as riches, station, and glory. Without 
the first, they held that the latter would be worthless, but 
they deemed them necessary additions to the first, in order to 
constitute perfect happiness. 

9. The followers of Aristot'le were called Peripatet'ics, 
from the Perip'aton,* or public promenade in the Lyceum, 
where the philosopher delivered his lectures. Their opinions 
did not materially differ from those of the Academics, except 
that they appear to have placed a higher value on the gifts 
of fortune. 

10. The Stoics were the first important dissenters from 
the Academy. They derived their name from the porcht or 
piazza, under which Ze'no, their founder, delivered his in- 
structions. They held, that virtue was the only good, and 
vice the only evil. They believed that there was no middle 
course, no indifferent action ; a man was either perfectly 
wise and virtuous, or wholly insane and depraved. They 
asserted, that a wise man should never sutler his mind to 
be affected by external circumstances, but should view with 
apathy his own misfortunes, and those of his friends and 
country. It is evident, that they thus banished all the best 
affections of our nature, and substituted in their place, cold 
and intolerable self-sufficiency. 

11. The Cynics pushed the stoical principles to their 
wildest extreme. They held, that it was necessary to dis- 
regard the habits and opinions of men, and to live solely 

* So named from 7rif>i7rcLT&>, to walk about, 
f o-tgx, a porch. 



GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 363 

according to the dictates of pure reason. Acting on these 
principles, Anta'thenes and Diog'enes, the founders of the 
sect, outraged decency and common sense. The name of 
Cynics* was given them, from their similarity to dogs in 
their snarling and slovenly habits of life. 

12. Aristip'pus of Cyre'ne founded the sect of the 
Cyrena'ics, who ran into the opposite extreme ; they held, 
(hat pleasure was the only good, and pain the only evil, a 
principle which naturally opened the way to every species 
of licentiousness. Epicu'rus, indeed, who adopted the same 
principle, endeavoured to correct its dangerous tendency by 
adding, that virtue was the true source of pleasure, and vice 
of pain ; but his followers did not acknowledge the validity 
of the reasoning on which the second proposition was 
founded, especially js he denied the doctrine of the soul's 
immortality, by which alone it could be reasonably sup- 
ported. 

13. The Skeptics,! of whom Pyr'rho was the most re- 
markable, were seceders from the Academy. They held, 
that every thing was equally uncertain ; some even affected 
to doubt their own existence. The New Academics, as the 
followers of Carne'ades and Arces'ilas were called, adopted 
the same principle to some extent, and consequently intro- 
duced again the worst doctrines of the sophists. Several 
minor sects were formed from different modifications of 
these doctrines, which it is not necessary to enumerate. 
Enough has been said, to show how imperfect were all the 
systems devised, even by the highest exertions of human 
reason, and the gratitude that we should feel to the Author 
of all Mercy, for granting us to live in an age when all these 
imperfections are remedied by the superior efficacy of reve- 
lation. 

14. Christianity, the only light which can dispel " the 
shadows, clouds, and darkness" that rest upon futurity, and 
solve those doubts and difficulties which unassisted reason 
attempted in vain, was first preached in Greeee by the 
apostle Paul. Its success was rapid, for the popular religion 
had sunk beneath the attacks of the philosophers, and no 
system had been substituted in its stead The great mass 
of the people lived literally "without God in the world," 
for they saw that the faith of their fathers was absurd, but 
knew not as yet of any better creed. Victims indeed still 
bled in the temples, and sacrifices smoked on the altars, bul 

* u,vw, a dog. -f- From <ns.vrTc fA.su, to doubt 



364 GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 

these observances were continued more from habit than 
from any belief in their efficacy, the spirit and fervour of 
devotion no longer existed. With this practical infidelity a 
violent superstition was strangely mingled ; new deities were 
introduced from Egypt, from Asia, and even from the bar- 
barous tribes of Northern Europe ; but they still felt a dis- 
trust in these objects of their worship, and erected altars to 
the unknown god. The preaching of Christianity pro- 
duced a wonderful change ; all that the wisest philosophers 
had proposed as the end of their speculations was here 
offered indiscriminately; the nature of man's dependence 
on his Creator, the design of his creation, the conditions of 
his future existence — questions which the schools had 
almost resigned in despair, were explained with a simplicity 
and clearness that the weakest mind could comprehend. 
Converts became numerous, and in the course of his brief 
career, the apostle founded several flourishing churches, in 
the very seats of luxurious idolatry and haughty philosophy. 
Greece became a Christian country more rapidly than Italy, 
because speculations on natural theology were more familiar 
to its inhabitants ; and they were consequently more dis- 
posed to seek remedies for the imperfections which they 
failed not to discover both in the philosophic and vulgar 
creeds. But unfortunately, many carried into the new reli- 
gion those habits of fanciful speculation which had so long 
infested their philosophy. Dissatisfied with the pure sim- 
plicity of gospel truth, they laboured to be "wise beyond 
what is written," and mixing up some of their old theories 
with the new religion, they introduced most of those strange 
heresies which in the first two centuries infested the Chris- 
tian church. The philosophers of Alexandria took the lead 
in producing this evil, they combined the dreams of Plato 
with the simple truths of the gospel, and produced systems 
whose absurdity seems scarce credible in our days. The 
evil spread into Western Europe, and finally produced the 
great schism between the Greek and Latin churches, which 
still continues. It must, however, be added, that the Greeks, 
during all their miseries and all their sufferings, have 
steadily adhered to the profession of Christianity, and main 
tamed at least its outward forms, undeterred by bitter per 
secutions, unallured by the favours with which renegales 
were rewarded. 



GRECIAN PHILOSOPHY. 365 

Questions for Examination, 

1. How did Grecian philosophy differ from Asiatic 1 

2. What philosopher was accused of hostility to the popular religion ' 

3. Who was Pythagoras 1 

4. Can a probable explanation be given of the Metempsychosis 1 

5. What led to the dispersion of the Pythagoreans 1 

6. What was the nature of the instruction given by the Sophists 1 

7. How did Socrates differ from former philosophers 1 

8. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13. What were the doctrines of the Academics — 

Peripatetics — Stoics — Cynics — Epicureans — and Skeptics 1 
14. What was the progress of Christianity in Greece J 



2h2 



APPENDIX 



HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE MINOR GRECIAN STATES, AND OF THE 
GRECIAN ISLANDS. 

SECTION I. 
THE MINOR GRECIAN STATES. 

United, they had baffled every fo<> ; 

Disjoined, they fell almost without a blow. — Byron 

In the preceding history, our attention has been princi- 
pally engaged by the two leading republics, Athens and 
Sparta, not merely on account of their superior importance, 
but because most of the minor states were engaged in their 
wars, and shared in their fortunes. But there were of course 
many changes and revolutions occurring in these states, 
which could not be detailed without destroying the con- 
tinuity of the narrative, but which are of too much import- 
ance to be wholly omitted. The following brief summary 
contains the leading facts in the history of the several 
minor states in their geographical order, beginning from 
the north. 

1. The barbarous country of Thrace was early colonized 
by the Grecians, but more particularly by the Athenians 
when they obtained supremacy by sea, after the second Per- 
sian war. Its original inhabitants were of Pelasgic descent, 
and made little or no progress in civilization. The greater 
part of it was subdued by Philip, and from this country both 
he and Alexander drew some of their best troops. The 
transfer of the seat of empire from Rome to Byzan'tium, 
the Thracian metropolis, in a much later age, increased the 
importance of the country without improving the character 
of its inhabitants. It fell with its capital, Constantinople, 
into the power of the Turks, (A.D. 1452.) 

2. Thes'saly, in the heroic ages, was the most important 
division of Greece ; from its mountains the Hellenes pro- 
ceeded into Phocis, and from thence descending into the 
southern plains expelled the Pelas'gi from their ancient 
habitations. (Page 60.) From the time of the Trojan war 

367 



368 APPENDIX. 

to the Dorian migrations (page 64) Thessaly seems to have 
declined rapidly, but the causes of the change are unknown. 
The principal states were those of Phe'rae and Laris'sa, 
which were both cruelly oppressed by a succession of tyran- 
nical usurpers, who appear to have met with no resistance 
from their subjects. About 380 years before the Christian 
era, Ja'son, the tyrant of Phe'rae, acquired so much power, 
that the Grecian states, then exhausted by long mutual wars, 
had reason to tremble for their liberty. After his assassina- 
tion (page 224) the sceptre passed rapidly and successively 
into the hands of his brothers Polydo'rus, Pol'yphron, and 
Alexander. The last of these was a monster of iniquity ; 
he was conquered by Pelopidas, (page 226,) and finally mur- 
dered by his own wife. The distracted state of Thessaly, 
after the death of Ja'son, made the country an easy prey to 
the grasping ambition of Philip ; it was subdued in the early 
part of his reign, and thenceforward shared the fortunes of 
Macedon. 

3. Epi'rus was inhabited by several tribes, of which only 
a small part could claim Hellenic origin. The Molos'si, a 
Grecian people, were the most powerful of the Ep'irotes, 
and could boast of having possessed the most permanent go- 
vernment, since the kings of the family of the iEac'idae, traced 
their descent in unbroken succession from Pyr'rhus, or 
Neoptole'mus the son of Achil'les. But it was not until 
after the Peloponnesian wars that the Molossian sovereigns 
extended their authority over the entire country ; before that 
period the Thespro'tians, Ores'tians, and some others had 
their respective monarchs, and the Corinthian colony at Am- 
bra'cia constituted an independent republic. The marriage 
of Olym'pias, the daughter of Neoptole'mus, seventeenth 
in descent from Pyrrhus, to Philip, king of Macedon, first 
connected the Epirotes with the Macedonians, and gave them 
a share in the general concerns of Greece. Alexander, the 
son of Neoptole'mus, and brother-in-law of Alexander the 
Great, was as ambitious of becoming as great a conqueror as 
his illustrious relative in the east, but having invaded Italy, 
he was unfortunately slain in Luca'nia. Pyrr'hus II., his 
son and successor, inherited his father's ambition, and spent 
his life in a series of wars resembling rather the adventures 
of a knight errant, than the military expeditions of a king.* 
He was at length slain in an attack on Argos. (Page 304.) 

* See his life in the Historical Miscellany, part II. 



APPENDIX. 359 

After the death of Pyrrhus III., grandson of the preceding 
prince, the male line of the royal family became extinct, and 
the Epirotes established a republican form of government, 
which they preserved until their subjugation by the Romans. 
(Page 317.) In the modern history of Greece, the Suliotes, 
who inhabited the mountains of Epi'rus, are celebrated for 
their heroic resistance to the Turks, and for maintaining 
their independence until they were subdued by Ali Pacha, 
a little before the breaking out of the Greek revolution. 

4. Meg'aris has been already mentioned as having been 
a Do'rian colony, established in territories that originally 
formed part of At'tica. Little of the history of this state 
has been preserved, but during the greater part of its exist- 
ence, it was exposed to the bitter hostility of the Athenians. 
(Page 147.) 

5. Bceo'tia was a collection of several republican states, 
over which Thebes claimed to be paramount. The wars to 
which this claim gave rise have been already detailed in the 
course of the history. 

6. Pho'cis was first formed into a monarchy by Pho'cus, 
the leader of a colony from Corinth. About the time of 
the Dorian migration, a republican constitution was esta- 
blished ; the several cities had separate jurisdictions, but the 
whole country formed but one independent state. Del'phi, 
and the city of Cris'sa, may, however, be regarded as excep- 
tions, the former being subject to the control of the Amphic- 
tyons, and the extensive commerce and consequent wealth 
of the latter placing it above the control of the Phocian 
council. The Phocians unfortunately insulted the national 
religion and national temple of Greece on two memorable 
occasions ; the first was punished by the destruction of their 
best city, and finest harbour, (page 92 ;) the consequences 
of the second were still more calamitous, and terminated in 
the overthrow of Grecian liberty. (Page 244.) 

7. Locris, at the time of the Trojan war, was governed by 
kings, but subsequently adopted a republican form of go- 
vernment. Little is known of the history of the Locrians, 
and that little is destitute of interest. 

8. iEto'lia was inhabited by the rudest and most barba- 
rous of the Hellenic tribes ; they were little better than a 
race of freebooters, who carried on their predatory excur- 
sions by land and sea. In the fabulous history of the he- 
roic ages, several iEtolian princes are very conspicuous, but 
•n the flourishing days of Greece the name of the country 



370 APPENDIX. 

is scarcely mentioned. After the power of Thebes, Athens, 
and Sparta had been crushed, the iEtolians, united under one 
head, opposed the Achaean league, (page 306,) on which the 
last chance of Grecian freedom rested, and thus caused the 
series of wars which terminated by making the Romans 
supreme masters of Greece. 

9. Acarnania appears in the heroic ages to have been, at 
east partially, subject to the kings of Ithica. When it ob- 
tained independence, and what were the peculiarities of the 
republican constitutions established in its several cities, are 
wholly unknown. Stra'tus, and the Amphilochian Ar'gos 
were the most important states. The latter was allied to 
the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war, and aided Demos'- 
thenes in his expedition against the iEto'lians and Ambra'- 
ciots. (Page 155.) 

10. Arcadia, in the Peloponnesus, was considered by its 
inhabitants as the most ancient of the Grecian states. After 
the death of Aristoc'rates in the Messenian war, (page 83,) 
the country became divided into as many petty principali- 
ties as there were cities ; in a very short time they all 
adopted republican constitutions of a more democratic kind 
than was usual in southern Greece. The strength of the 
nation was wasted in continual wars between the petty- 
states, which could never be brought to unite in a general 
confederacy. 

11. Argolis, in the heroic ages, was the leading state 
of the Peloponnessus, but subsequently lost its pre-emi- 
nence. The principal events in which the Argives were 
concerned have been already mentioned in the course of 
the history. 

12. Corinth, as we have already seen, played a conspi- 
cuous part in the general transactions recorded in Grecian 
history. The constitution of the state after the expulsion 
of the kings was aristocratical ; but the nobles, like the 
Venetians in modern times, generally engaged in trade. 
The extensive commerce, and numerous colonies of Corinth, 
made it formidable as a naval power, but the wars which the 
successive revolts of the colonies produced, proved destruc- 
tive to the prosperity of the parent state. The capture of 
Corinth by Mummius, (page 319,) made the Romans masters 
of Greece. 

13. The history of Sic'yon and the Achae'an states has 
been already sketched, (pages 20, 21.) 

14. E'lis on account of the sanctity of its soil (page 19} 



APPENDIX. 371 

was not exposed to any hostile attacks from the neighbour- 
ing states, and its inhabitants were too well contented with 
the happiness and tranquillity they enjoyed to endanger 
their comforts by ambitious wars. The Eleans, after the 
abolition of royalty, were governed by a general council of 
magistrates, and by a senate ; the people were excluded 
from all share in the management of public affairs. 

15. Messe'nia was the happiest of the Grecian states 
until the commencement of the unprincipled wars which 
subjected the country to Sparta, and sent the inhabitants 
into exile. (Page 84.) When the Spartans were humbled 
by the victories of Epaminondas, the Messenians recovered 
their independence ; but the work of the spoiler had been 
done too effectually for their ever regaining their former 
prosperity. 9 



SECTION II. 



HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE PRINCIPAL GRECIAN ISLANDS MEN- 
TIONED IN THIS WORK. 

The isles of Greece, the isles of Greece, 

Where burning Sappho loved and sung 
Where grew the arts of war and peace. 

Whence Delos rose and Phoebus sprung — Byron 

1. Corcy'ra, on the west coast of Greece, was colonized 
by the Corinthians at an uncertain period ; it soon acquired 
independence, and rivalled the parent state in commerce and 
naval power. At the commencement of the Corcyrean wai 
(page 146) this island was able without assistance to man a 
fleet of 120 sail of the line. But the dissensions which 
arose during the war between the aristocratic and democratic 
factions destroyed the prosperity of the state, and it never 
again recovered its former eminence. 

2. Sal'amis, in the Saronic gulf, was originally peopled 
by the Ionians. At the time of the Trojan war, it was ruled 
by Tel'amon, the father of A'jax and Teucer. At an un- 
certain period it was conquered by the Athenians, and 
retained in spite of the vigorous efforts of the inhabitants 
to regain their independence. (Page 88.) This island will 
ever be memorable for the total defeat of the immense fleet 
of Xerxes in the strait between it and Attica. 

3. iEgi'na, also in the Saronic gulf, was first colonized 
by the Epidaurians from the opposite coast of Argos. It 
soon emancipated itself from the Argive yoke, and became 
one of the most powerful Grecian states. The iEginetans 
were superior to the Athenians by sea until the time of the 



372 APPENDIX. 

Persian war, but were then subdued by Themis'tocles, (page 
104;) they appear to have been very harshly treated by their 
former rivals, but all attempts to throw off the yoke proved 
abortive. The dissensions between the partisans of aristo- 
cracy and democracy which convulsed all Greece, produced 
several civil wars in iEgina. 

4. £!ubce'a, °ff tne east coasts of At'tica and Boeo'tia, 
was divided into two states, whose capitals were Chal'cis 
and Ere'tria. The constitution of both was aristocratic, and 
the chief power was intrusted to a body of nobles, called 
Hippob'atae,* or knights. After the Persian war Euboe'a be- 
came dependent upon Ath'ens, and supplied that state with 
corn and other provisions which could not be obtained in 
sufficient abundance from the barren soil of Attica. The 
oppression of the Athenians made the Eubceans anxious 
to regain their independence ; a dangerous rebellion was 
crushed by Per'icles, (B.C. 446,) and the attempt was re- 
newed in the second Peloponnesian war. (Page 186.) A 
knowledge of this disposition of the inhabitants induced 
Philip to invade the island, but his efforts were defeated by 
the skill and valour of Phocion. (Page 246.) Eubce'a 
remained subject, at least nominally, to Athens, while that 
state retained its independence. 

5. Sa'mos, with a capital of the same name, in the 
iEge'an sea, was first colonized by the Lele'ges, a Carian 
tribe. The Ionians next obtained possession of it, and 
established a free constitution, but were soon brought under 
the yoke of tyrants. Of these Polyc'rates was the most 
celebrated, for his abilities, and for the uninterruped flow 
of good fortune which he long continued to enjoy. It is 
said, that his friend and ally, Amasis king of Egypt, terrified 
at such continued prosperity, advised him to propitiate ad- 
verse fortune, by submitting to some voluntary loss. In his 
obedience to his admonitions, Polyc'rates threw into the sea 
a valuable ring; but in a few days after, he received a pre- 
sent of a large fish, in whose belly the ring was found. 
Am'asis no sooner heard of this, than he broke off all inter- 
course with Polyc'rates, declaring that some great calamity 
must soon counterbalance such wondrous fortune. The 
prediction was justified by the event, for Polyc'rates having 
visited Magne'sia, a city of Asia Minor, was treacherously 
seized by the satrap, Oroe'tes, and put to death by the most 
cruel tortures. The Samians joined their Grecian brethren 

* From 'ir7rog a horse, and fitim (o ascend. 



APPENDIX. 3/3 

m the war against Persia, and behaved with great gallantry. 
Sa'mos was subjugated by the Athenians, under the com- 
mand of Pericles, (page 147,) and like the other dependen- 
cies of that republic, was very harshly treated. The 
islanders recovered their independence in the general in- 
surrection of the maritime dependencies of Athens, (page 
234,) but were again subdued by Eumenes, king of Perga- 
mus. Augustus Csesar afterwards restored the freedom of 
Samos, and it did not become a Roman province before the 
reign of the emperor Vespasian. 

6. Les'bos was one of the earliest settlements of the 
Pelas'gi, the first inhabitants of Greece, (page 60 ;) it was 
afterwards colonized by the iEolians, and from its situation 
and fertility soon attained considerable eminence. Alcae'us 
and Sap'pho were natives of this island, as were also Ari'on 
and Terpan'der. The inhabitants were so degraded by 
luxury, that they became an easy prey to the Athenians, 
whose yoke they soon found intolerable. Their remarkable 
revolt (page 153) was, however, suppressed, and they re 
mained in subjection until the general revolt of the islands 
(Page 234.) 

7. The Cyclades were for the most part colonized by 
Carian tribes, but were afterwards subdued by Hellenic 
invaders of Ionian and Dorian descent. De'los, sacred to 
Apol'lo, was the most remarkable ; on account of its sanc- 
tity it remained unviolated during the Persian war, and was 
made the depot of the treasures collected for the defence of 
Greece. Pa'ros is principally remarkable for its obstinate 
resistance to Miltiades. (Page 110.) Of the other islands, 
historians have scarcely mentioned more than the name ; 
they all became tributary to Athens after the Persian war, 
and threw off the yoke in the general insurrection already 
mentioned. (Page 234.) 

8. Crete, the largest of the Grecian islands, was colo- 
nized by several different tribes, called Cure'tes, Pelas'gi, 
Idas', Dac'tyli, &c; with these were afterwards united seve- 
ral Hellenic tribes of Dorian and iEolian descent. The 
wise institutions of Minos made this a happy and flourish- 
ing country even in the heroic ages ; but at a later period, 
the abolition of royalty, and the jealousy of the leading 
states, Gorti'na and Cnos'sus, filled the island with intestine 
commotions and bloody civil wars, which ceased not, until 
the island was subdued by the Romans, (B.C. 66.) 

9. Cy'prus, like Crete, was inhabited by a race of mixed 
origin, but contained fewer Hellenic colonies. After the 

21 



374 APPENDIX. 

Trojan war, Teu'cer being expelled from home by his 
father Tela'mon, led his followers into Cy'prus, and founded 
a city, which he called Sal'amis, (now Famagusta,) after his 
native place. The Phoenicians were for a long time the 
lords paramount of the island, and monuments of their do- 
minion still continue. The Egyptians next became its 
masters, and they were succeeded by the Persians, under 
Camby'ses, (B.C. 525.) The different states into which the 
island was divided still retained a qualified independence, 
and were subject to their own monarchs. They even made 
war against the Persians on some occasions, and Ones'ilus, 
king of Sal'amis, joined in the great Ionian insurrection. 
(Page 102.) In the subsequent wars between the Greeks 
and Persians, Cy'prus was frequently attacked by the 
former, and would probably have been subdued, but for the 
unfortunate death of Ci'mon, at the siege of Sal'amis. At a 
later period, Evag'oras II. became master of the greater 
part of the island, and would probably have succeeded in 
throwing off the yoke of Persia, had not the Spartans sacri- 
ficed the common cause of Grecian freedom, by the dis- 
graceful peace of Antalcidas. (Page 212.) The Cyprians 
afterwards joined in an insurrection of the Egyptians and 
Phoenicians, but after a desultory struggle, matters were 
settled by negotiation. The nine small kingdoms continued 
until the time of Alexander, whom they voluntarily joined in 
the siege of Tyre, (page 275 ;) thenceforward Cyprus became 
a part of the Macedonian monarchy, and shared its fortunes. 

10. Rhodes was colonized originally by Asiatic tribes, 
and seems to have received but a slight mixture of the 
Hellenic stock. Its inhabitants were devoted to commerce, 
and did not often interfere in the wars of their neighbours. 
They were made tributary by Alexander, after he had sub- 
dued Asia, but unable to bear the cruelties of his successors, 
they again threw off the yoke, and by their naval superiority 
were enabled to maintain their independence. They were 
reduced under the power of the Romans in the time of Caesar. 

11. Cythe'ra, though a very small and barren island, was 
a place of considerable importance as a naval station in the 
Peloponnesian wars. It frequently changed masters, but 
eventually remained in the power of the Spartans, who justly 
regarded it as the bulwark of Laconia. In modern times, 
during the wars between the Turks and Venetians, it became 
an important naval depot of the latter. It never was sub 
jected by the Turks, and is now reckoned one of the seven 
Ionian Islands, under the dominion of Great Britain. 






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CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 



B.C. I'aga 

2089 The kingdom of Sicyon founded 59 

1856 The kingdom of Argos established by Inachus ib. 

1616 Corinth founded by Sisyphus 30 

1556 The arrival of Cecrops in Attica, and foundation of Athens 23 

1493 Thebes founded by Cadmus, a Phoenician 29 

1250 The Argonautic expedition 62 

1225 The misfortunes of CEdipus, and the two Theban wars. ... 63 

1174 TheTrojanwar 64 

1104 The return of the Heracleidae, and expulsion of the Pelo- 

pidae from Southern Greece 65 

1044 The migration of the Ionian colonies to Asia Minor. The 

death of Codrus 69 

907 The probable era of Homer and Hesiod 340 

884 The Olympic games instituted, or at least revived by Iphitus 

and Lycurgus 44 

880 The constitution of Sparta settled by Lycurgus, the first legis- 
lator in continental Greece 73 

814 The kingdom of Macedon founded by Caranus, a descendant 

of Hercules 242 

776 Corcebus obtains the victory at the Olympic games, from which 

epoch the Olympiads are reckoned 44 

760 The Ephori introduced into the government of Sparta 74 

743 The first Messenian war began, and after continuing nineteen 

years was terminated by the capture of Ithome 81 

732 Syracuse founded by a colony from Corinth 170 

682 The second Messenian war begins, and lasts about fourteen 

years 83 

680 The daring exploits of Aristomenes ib. 

CThe age of Tyrtaeus and Archilochus 342 

670 < The Messenians take possession of Zancle, in Sicily, and 

(_ change its name to Messene 88 

624 The murder of Cylon at Athens 90 

623 Draco furnishes the Athenians with a code of laws 91 

594 Salamis recovered by the Athenians — Legislation of Solon. 92 
590 About this time the first sacred war broke out, and ended with 

the destruction of Crissa and Cirrha 96 

584 Death of Thales, the first great philosopher of Greece. . . . . 360 

560 The usurpation of Peisistratus 100 

535 The first tragedy acted at Athens on the wagon of Thespis 344 

526 Learning encouraged at Athens by the Peisistratidse 101 

510 The expulsion of Hippias from Athens, and the establish- 
ment of a democracy by Cleisthenes 102 

500 The Athenians aid the Ionian colonies in their efforts to 

throw off the yoke of Persia 106 

2 I 2 377 



378 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

B.C. Pr.£< 

497 Death of Pythagoras, at Metapontum, in Italy 356 

493 Mardonius defeated in his attempt to invade Greece In7 

490 Battle of Marathon 1 1 1 

f" Second Persian invasion 116 

480 «< Battle of Thermopylae !2"2 

(.Battle of Salamis I2S 

47 C The battle of Platsea J 34 

(_ The battle of Mycale, on the same day 1 3.3 

478 The rebuilding of the walls of Athens 137 

475 The death of Pausanias and banishment of Themistocles ... . 139 

470 The victorious career of Cimon, the son of Miltiades 143 

469 The third Messenian war 147 

463 The Egyptians aided by the Athenians endeavour to throw 

off the Persian yoke 145 

460 The age of lyric poetry draws to a close ; about this time 

Pindar and Anacreon flourished 342 

456 Death of ^Eschylus, the founder of tragedy 344 

449 Death of Cimon, and peace with Persia 145 

447 A desultory war between the Thebans and Athenians ' ^ 

C A truce concluded between Thebes and Athens "*■ 

445 < Herodotus reads his history at the Olympic games and 

£ Athenian festivals 347 

440 The administration of Pericles — Capture of Samos 149 

435 The war between Corinth and Corcyra 150 

432 The discovery of the Metonic cycle 356 

431 The breaking out of the first Peloponnesian war 153 

430 The great plague at Athens 156 

429 The death of Pericles 157 

f Plataa taken and destroyed by the Thebans and Spartans. . . 158 

427 < Mitylene captured by the Athenians, the inhabitants spared. . 1 'JO 

CThe sedition at Corcyra 169 

TThe democratic faction, aided by the Athenians, prevails in 

425J ^ Corc y ra 1 Gl 

J Demosthenes fortifies Pylos ] g2 

[.Capture of the Spartans in the island of Sphacteria \ 63 

424 S Aristophanes produces his best satiric comedies 31 5 

C The Athenians conquer the island of Cythera 1 G3 

421 Death of Cleon and Brasidas — End of the first Peloponne- 
sian war 1 64 

C Sophocles produces some of his most celebrated tragedies. . . 344 

420 < Alliance between Athens and Argos, brought about by Alci- 

C biades 167 

416 The expedition against Melos ] 69 

. ,g C Athenian expedition to Sicily \ no 

C Recall and banishment of Alcibiades 173 

414 Siege of Syracuse 1 75 

f Total defeat of the Athenians in Sicily 17:) 

. .« J The celebrity of Euripides 'M5 

\ The Athenian prisoners that could recite portions of tho 

L tragedies of Euripides liberated 1 -7 

411 The tyranny of the four hundred ] [)\) 

407 Alcibiades recalled from exile | ;,J 



CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 379 

B.C. P-fft 

406 The sea-fight at Arginusse 197 

405 The battle of iEgos-Potamos. . . 200 

("Lysander captures Athens, and thus purs an end to the 
dfuJ second Peloponnesian war 202 

] The murder of Alcibiades 205 

(.The thirty tyrants ib. 

403 The liberty of Athens restored by Thrasybulus 208 

401 The expedition of the ten thousand 212 

400 The accusation and death of Socrates 209 

398 Expedition of Agesilaus into Asia 215 

395 The Spartans defeated at Haliartus 216 

394 The Spartans defeated at Cneidus, but victorious at Coroneia 217 

393 The rebuilding of the walls of Athens 213 

391 Thucydides the historian dies, his work continued by Theo- 

pompus and Xenophon 348 

387 The peace of Antalcidas 218 

385 The war in Cyprus terminated, by the submission of Eva- 

goras . 219 

383 Treacherous occupation of Thebes by the Spartans 220 

379 The independence of Thebes restored 221 

378 Attempt of Sphodrias on the Peiraeus 222 

371 Battle of Leuctra 226 

370 Murder of Jason, the chief of the Thessalians 230 

369* The Thebans invade the Peloponnesus, and restore Messema 229 

367 Philip of Macedon brought as a hostage to Thebes 231 

364 Death of Pelopidas 232 

363 The battle of Mantineia, and death of Epaminondas 236 

361 The death of Agesilaus 238 

360 The Athenians defeated by Philip at Methone 243 

358 The revolt of the Athenian colonies 240 

357 The sacred war occasioned by the Phocians attacking and 

plundering Delphi 245 

355 The birth of Alexander the Great 247 

348 Philip besieges Olynthus 249 

342 The independence of Euboea secured by Phocion 253 

340 Philip invades Scythia 255 

000 $ The capture of Elateia 257 

t Grecian liberty overthrown at Chseroneia 2 GO 

336 The death of Philip 265 

ook $ The destruction of Thebes 271 

(_ The invasion of the Persian empire by Alexander 275 

334 The battle of the Granicus 274 

333 The battle of Ipsus 277 

332 Tyre taken and Egypt subdued 281 

331 The battle of Arbela 283 

C The death of Darius 287 

(_ The oratorical contest between iEschines and Demosthenes 303 

329 The defeat of the Asiatic Scythians by Alexander 288 

328 Disturbances occasioned by Alexander's adop+isii at Asiatic 

customs 29 1 

327 Alexander invades India 292 

323 Death of Alexander , . . 299 



380 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX. 

B.C. Page 

322 The Lamian war 304 

315 Cassander obtains the kingdom of Macedon 306 

307 Demetrius Poliorcetes captures Athens 307 

301 The battle of Ipsus 304 

296 Revolutions in Macedon 307 

278 The Gauls defeated in their attack on Delphi 303 

251 Aratus re-establishes the Achaean league 309 

241 Agis put to death at Sparta for attempting to introduce an 

Agrarian law 310 

222 The battle of Sellasia 31 1 

210 The Romans stimulate the -Etolians to take up arms against 

Philip, king of Macedon 313 

208 The Achaean general, Phflopcemen, defeats the Spartan, 

Machanidas 314 

207 The ^Etolians make peace with Philip ib. 

197 The Romans defeat Philip at Cynoscephalae 317 

196 The Roman commissio ers at the Isthmian games proclaim 

the liberty of all the Grecian states ib, 

191 Lacedaemon joined to the Achsean league by Philopoemen. . 318 
190 Antiochus, king of Syria, deprived of his influence in Greece 

by the Romans 319 

183 Philopoemen put to death by the Messenians 320 

172 The Romans declare war against Perseus, king of Macedon 321 

1 68 Macedon becomes a Roman province 322 

147 The capture of Corinth, and subjugation of Greece by the 

Romans 324 

87 The Athenians embrace the cause of Mithridates 32G 

86 Athens taken by Sylla, and cruelly sacked 327 

84 Sylla makes peace with Mithridates »b> 

A.D. 

1352 Constantinople taken by the Turks 330 

1687 The Morea conquered by the Venetians 331 

1714 reconquered by the Turks ib. 

1806 Belgrade taken by Czerni George 332 

1 821 Ipsilanti raises the standard of revolt 334 

1 822 The massacre of Scio ib. 

1 824 Death of Lord Byron at Missolonghi 335 

1 R27 5 Treaty of London for the pacification of Greece 336 

t Battle of Navarino ib. 



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